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order of "Captain" Tyler. I mention this circumstance to show the mutations of the times; for since the election this man Rynders, having become a great man among the Democracy, has not only dined with Benjamin F. Butler, when the electoral vote was given to Mr. Polk at Albany; not only has he received a complimentary ball from the chairman of the Democratic General Committee of the city of New York, but, having come on with his friend Jewell to this place for an office, as I am told, if the papers are to be relied on, he has been cordially received at the White House. Whether President Tyler or President Rynders then remembered the ironing, is not, however, chronicled. But I am digressing. John J. Austin, vice-president of the club, has likewise pending against him an indictment fór murder, and was likewise implicated in the charge of stealing Treasury notes. Woolridge, its secretary, but recently came out of the penitentiary. William Ford, one of its directors, in the short interval of time which elapsed between the publication of a notice of one of its processions and the arrival of the day of parade, was indicted by the grand jury in seven cases, rape and burglary being among the offences. Being put in the Tombs, he unfortunately lost the opportunity of figuring on that occasion. Soon after tried and convicted of the first named crime, he was sent to the penitentiary, but, his services being valuable to the party, he was immediately pardoned and turned out by his Democratic excellency, Governor Bouck. I may remark, too, that this official dignitary, a short time before the election, restored to their political rights all the criminals in the State, and pardoned a great number who were in the penitentiary. This Empire Club, constituted as I have related, for some time devoted its energies to the prosecution of the laudable objects for which it had been originally organized. Several weeks, however, before the election, the Democratic leaders thought it could be effectively employed in the political canvass, and they thereupon took its members into pay. These gentry being furnished with money thus by other means, abandoned for a time their peculiar avocations, and some of the neutral papers of the city made the subject of remark, the disappearance of these particular classes of crime. Their numbers rapidly increased from one or two hundred to not less than eight hundred; in fact they boasted that they had three thousand men enrolled. This Club, with other members of the Democratic party, perfected the most extensive system of fraudulent voting ever known. Sir, in what I have been stating, and what I am now about to state, I speak from information derived in part from public sources, but mainly from private ones; sources, however, on which I fully rely. I have taken pains to get accurate information. If there be error in any of my statements, which I am not prepared to admit, I desire to be contradicted. One of my objects is to provoke investigation into this matter. If anything which I can say or do here should induce this House to order an investigation into this whole transaction, I shall think I have done the country much service. Let gentlemen meet me on this ground. In the city of New York, there are more than seventy places at which votes are given in. I understand, sir, that one prominent feature of this plan was, that in

each of the seventeen wards into which the city is divided, there were one hundred and twenty picked men, each of whom was to leave his own ward and go to one where he was least known, on the evening before the election. Staying one night there enabled him to make oath that he resided in that ward, and he was permitted to vote there. He then returned to his own ward, and voted there without being questioned. But these two thousand and forty persons, however, formed but a part of those who voted more than once. From the information which I have received, I think that an investigation will show that there were companies of men who voted, in some instances, as much as sixteen times each. It was the calculation of the managers to give fourteen thousand illegal votes in the city, and they admit that they got in eleven thousand. A portion of these votes were excluded at some of the boxes, by the Whigs requiring them to state, on oath, if they had not already voted. This being an unusual question, offended many of them, and they retired with dignified disdain. The workingman's Advocate, a Democratic paper of the city, has admitted that the party agreed to give five dollars for every vote after the first one, which any individual could get in. Many of the gamblers predicted what occurred afterwards with wonderful accuracy. One of them, who happened to be a Whig, informed a prominent individual in the city, from whom I received the statement, long before the election, of the plan, and likewise notified him that on a future day, before the election, however, this matter would be published in a Democratic paper, (the Plebian, I think,) and charged on the Whigs as their plan, so as to divert suspicion; and, in the event of discovery by the Whig press, to anticipate such charge, and thus break its force. When the day came on, as predicted, the publication occurred in the Plebian.

There is said to have been an incident, of no great consequence in itself, which for a particular reason is worth a notice. I understand that the North Carolina line-of-battle ship was moored at the Brooklyn wharf, and it had been arranged that the men on board of her were to go ashore and vote for the gentleman who represents on this floor the Brooklyn district; and their votes, if received by him, would have been sufficient to elect him. But on the morning of the election, by some singular freak of that legerdemain which was practised on so extensive a scale that day, these men were in a body spirited across the river into the city, and voted mostly in the 7th ward, but partly in the 6th and 11th, for the Democratic member there, (I mean the only one of the present city delegation returned, Mr. Maclay.) These votes were just enough to save him. Now, I have no doubt but that the gentleman from Brooklyn. (Mr. Murphy) though he was overthrown by having the staff on which he was about to lean thus suddenly jerked from under him, by a brother Democrat, has public spirit and party devotion enough to be quite as well satisfied by a result which gives the party a member, as if he had been himself the successful individual. But the object I had in view, sir, in alluding to this incicent, is to ascertain what is the standard of party morals as it respects the members themselves. What is their mode of dealing with Whigs I understand very well; but I had supposed, according to the old

proverb, that among its members there was honor in every profession. Will not some one enlighten the country as to this part of their code? Sir, you remember that when the Whigs were in power, they passed a registry law that would have prevented most of these enormous frauds, but it was repealed by the Democratic party, and we see the fruits of that repeal. From the best information I can obtain, I am fully satisfied, that under the existing laws, provided by the Democratic party of that State, frauds enough can be perpetrated in the city alone, to determine the vote of that great State-in fact, I may say, the result of the Presidential election; for it will, perhaps, generally be close enough for its thirty-six electoral votes to decide the matter. But it was not in the city alone that these things were done. Similar frauds were practised at Albany, by voters, some of whom were even carried from Philadelphia, it is said. Even in the interior, there are facts which furnish strong evidence of illegal voting. I should like for the gentleman (Mr. Preston King) who represents the district in which is St. Lawrence, (Mr. Wright's county, I think,) to inform us how it happened that that county gave sixteen hundred and twentyseven votes more than it did at any preceding election? The Whig vote is stronger than it was when we carried the county, and yet we are beaten by about fifteen hundred. How comes it that that county has given nearly two thousand more votes than some with about the same population?

It is charged and believed by the Whigs, that a number of persons who had already voted elsewhere, were run across the line into that county and voted a second time, and that similar fraud was practiced in Jefferson, an adjoining county. Our friends believe, that in those two counties there were given some thirteen hundred illegal votes in that way. That the State of New York gave Henry Clay a majority of her legal votes cannot be doubted. Similar frauds were practiced in the State of Pennsylvania, with the like result, as I could show, if I had time to go into the details. We lost Louisiana in the same way. At the precinct in the parish of Plaquemines there were given eleven hundred votes, being seven hundred votes more than were ever given before at an election; a vote larger, I believe, than its whole population at the last census, including women and children. This case is so extraordinary as to require explanation. If this excess of votes above the usual amount were illegal, as I have no doubt they were, then their exclusion, to say nothing of frauds committed elsewhere, would have given Mr. Clay the vote of that State. Even in Georgia we have strong reason to believe that we were defeated by fraud. In that State, I understand, that voters under sixty years of age pay by law a poll-tax; all over that age, who possess property, are likewise obliged to pay a tax; so that the tax books kept and returned would have given all the voters except the paupers above sixty. Taking these books as a guide, there were 15,944 more votes than there appear to be voters. But the census shows that the number of males above sixty is a little more than three per cent. of the population. Deducting four per cent. for these, there would still remain 9,502 votes that cannot be accounted for. Most of this excess occurs in the Democratic

counties. As an example, I will read an extract from a highly respectable journal published in that State-the Milledgeville Journal:

"MORE FACTS CONNECTED WITH THE ABOVE.-The counties of Forsyth, Lumpkin, Habersham, and Franklin, are all nearly in a line connected with each other. Habersham joins Franklin, Lumpkin joins Habersham, and Forsyth joins Lumpkin. These four counties return to the Comptroller General's Office 3,080 voters. Add to this four per cent. (which is a large estimate) for men over sixty years of age, and not liable to be returned, but authorized to vote, and there would be 3,203 voters. At the late election, the same counties gave Mr. Polk 4,014, and Mr. Clay 1,821-in all 5,835 votes, and a majority for Polk of 2,193. Deduct from the aggregate vote of 5,835, 3,203, the number of voters returned on the tax book, and men over age, and it will be seen that there are 2,632 voters of which no account is or can be given, and WHO ARE NOT LEGALLY ENTITLED TO VOTE!

"But let us pursue this line a little further. Madison and Elbert join Franklin, Lincoln joins Elbert, and Columbia joins Lincoln. These four counties return to the Comptroller General's Office 2,986 voters. Add to this, as above, four per cent. for men over age, and there would be 3,105 voters. At the late election these same counties gave Mr. Clay 2,124, and Mr. Polk 999—in all 3,123 voters; and a majority for Clay of 1,125. Take the voters returned by the Tax Receiver with the per cent. for men over 60, and the votes given, and it will be seen, that while the first four counties have given two thousand six hundred and thirty-two votes more than can be accounted for, by the same information and estimate, the last four have only given eighteen more than they are entitled to. Elbert county, which gave 813 out of 1,125 majority for Clay, and which gave the largest majority of any county in the State, voted only thirty-seven more than is returned on the tax book; add the four per cent. for men over age, and it will be seen that she voted five less than she was entitled to.

"The last mentioned counties are Whig counties-the first are Democratic -which makes the fairest showing? No one can hesitate in his answer. Neither shall we hesitate to say that, in our opinion, HENRY CLAY has received a majority of the legal votes of the State of Georgia."

If this result was produced by the voting of men under age, or other frauds in the Democratic counties, it is sufficient, without looking any further, to account for our defeat in that State, for the majority against us was only two thousand.

The four States of New York, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Georgia, give eighty-eight electoral votes. Added to Mr. Clay's vote of one hundred and five, and he would have one hundred and ninety-three votes, while James K. Polk would be left with only eighty-two. It is not strange, therefore, that our opponents should appear so moderate after the victory. It is not strange that they should not rejoice. No wonder some of them were astounded at the result. Too many of them know by what means this result was achieved. Did Macbeth rejoice when he looked at the crown and sceptre of the murdered Duncan? They look to the past with pain, to the future with dread. This examination, Mr. Speaker, brings us irresistibly to the conclusion, not merely that the Whig measures of policy are approved by a vast majority of the people of the Union, but that, as a party, the Whigs are greatly the strongest in the country. So strong are they,

that nothing but a combination of all these adverse influences could have defeated us. Yes, sir, if any one of several of them had been wanting, we should still have triumphed, and had the election been conducted as our form of government presupposes, that is, fairly and honorably, Mr. Clay's majority would have been overwhelming.

Why then, is it, sir, since the past cannot be recalled, do I recur to these things? It is because I am satisfied, after a survey of the battle field, that in future a different result may be produced. Yes, sir, if we do our duty to the country, these evils may be averted, sufficiently at least for all practical purposes. A century may pass away before the country is afflicted with such another accident as the present executive.

The course of the Abolition party has stripped them of much of their influence, by bringing them into general contempt, even at the North. Besides, their late movements will array a strong influence against them in other quarters, more than enough to counterbalance their strength. And if the foreign Catholics, or foreigners generally, continue banded together, with a view of controlling the elections of the country, there will be aroused antagonistic feelings in the hearts of all true Americans, which will sweep away the party to which they have attached themselves. But, sir, I wish it distinctly understood, that I am for no Native American party; I care not whether a man may have been born under the icy zone that girts the pole, or in the torrid clime; where the morning sun is first seen, or at the place of his going down, if he comes to this land, and, after the residence prescribed by law, and in the manner provided, takes an oath to support the constitution, and adopts with it an American heart, American feelings, determining then to uphold and defend the rights and interests of this country against all others, that man will I take by the hand and welcome, as an American citizen should be, by his fellows. I wish, however, to see no British Whig, no French Whig, no man, in short, who places the interest or honor of another nation in the scale against that of this, or who resides among us with feelings alien to our government or its institutions. I desire to see the destinies of this country controlled in future, as they have in the main been heretofore, by the great American Whig party. By that party, and its genuine Republican principles, am I willing to stand or fall.

It is our duty, as far as it may be in our power, by wise legislation, to prevent fraudulent naturalization and illegal voting. But this alone, will be insufficient to ensure its success. Even though we should be able to see, that the combination of circumstances, to which our defeat was owing in the present instance, will not occur again, yet it must be remembered, that there will be other factions to be moved, and new humbugs invented. It is absolutely necessary that the Whigs should be completely organized as a party, not to deceive the confiding, the credulous, or the ignorant, but to protect them from imposition; not to practice frauds, but to prevent their commission by our adversaries. Had we adopted a proper system of organization, we should have triumphed in despite of all the adverse influences referred to. To accomplish this, will, I know, require more labor than many

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