power of Austria by memorable defeats, and con- [in which the debates and disputes upon the quesquered a rank among nations. But the sun of tion of independence were many and vehement, America also shines upon the heads of the brave; the point of our weapons is no less formidable than theirs; here also the same union prevails, the same contempt of dangers and of death in asserting the cause of country.

John Dickinson, one of the deputies of the province to the general congress, a man of prompt genius, of extensive influence, and one of the most zealous partizans of American liberty, restricted however to the condition of union with England, harangued, it is said, in the following manner against independence:

"Why then do we longer delay, why still deliberate? Let this most happy day give birth to the American republic. Let her arise, not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us! she demands of us a living example of freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She intreats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant, which first sprung up and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, shelter. ing under its salubrious and interminable shade all the unfortunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many omens, by our first victories, by the present ardour and union, by the flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out amongst Dunmore's people, by the very winds which baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hundred vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we are not this day wanting in our duty to country, the names of the American legislators will be placed, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be, forever dear to virtuous men and good citizens." Lee had scarcely ceased speaking, when no dubi-happiness furnish the proof of it; and we find it ous signs of approbation were manifested on all parts. But the deputies of Pennsylvania and Maryland not being present, and the congress desirous, by some delay, to evidence the maturity of their deliberations, adjourned the futher consideration of the subject to the first of July. Meanwhile the "What then is the object of these chimeras, hatchpatriots babored strenuously to induce the two dis-ed in the days of discord and of war? Shall the senting provinces also to decide for independence. transports of fury have more power over us than the They employed the most earnest persuasions, to experience of ages? Shall we destroy, in an mowhich they added also threats, intimating that not ment of anger, the work cemented and tested by only would the other colonies exclude them from time? the confederation, but that they would immediately treat them as enemies. The provincial assembly of Pennsylvania remained inflexible. At length, the inhabitants of Pennsylvania formed a convention,

"It too often happens, fellow citizens, that men, heated by the spirit of party, give more importance in their discourses, to the surface and appearance of objects, than either to reason or justice; thus evincing that their aim is not to appease tumults, but to excite them; not to repress the passions, but to inflame them, not to compose ferocious discords, but to exasperate and imbitter them more and more. They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify their own ambition, to flatter the caprices of the multitude, in order to captivate their favour. Accordingly in popular commotions, the party of wisdom and of equity is commonly found in the minority; and, perhaps, it would be safer, in difficult circumstances, to consult the smaller instead of the greater number. Upon this principle I invite the attention of those who hear me, since my opinion may differ from that of the majority; but I dare believe it will be shared by all impartial and moderate citizens, who condemn this tumultuous proceeding, this attempt to coerce our opinions, and to drag us, with so much precipitation to the most serious and important of decisions. But; coming to the subject in contro- . versy, I affirm, that prudent men do not abandon objects which are certain, to go in pursuit of those which offer only uncertainty. Now, it is an established fact, that America can be well and happily governed by the English laws, under the same king and the same parliament. Two hundred years of

also in the present prosperity, which is the result of these venerable laws and of this ancient union. It is not as independent, but as subjects; not as republic, but as monarchy, that we have arrived at this de gree of power and of greatness.

"I know the name of liberty is dear to each one of us; but have we not enjoyed liberty even under the English monarchy? Shall we this day renounce that to go and seek it in I know not what forin of

moment when our separation shall take place, every thing will assume a contrary direction. The nations will accustom themselves to look upon us with disdain; even the pirates of Africa and Europe will fall

them into a cruel and perpetual slavery.

"There is in the human species, often so inexplicable in their affections, a manifest propensi y to oppress the feeble as well as to flatter the power. ful. Fear always carries it against reason, pride against moderation, and cruelty against clemency.

republic, which will soon change into a licentious anarchy and popular tyranny? In the human body the head only sustains and governs all the members, directing them, with admirable harmony, to the same object, which is self-preservation and happiwpon our vessels, will massacre our seamen, or lead ness; so the head of the body politic, that is the king, in concert with the parliament, can alone maintain the union of the members of this empire, lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obvi. ating all the evils produced by variety of opinions and diversity of interests. And so firm is my persuasion of this, that I fully believe the most cruel war which Great Britain could make upon us, would be that of not making any; and that the surest means of bringing us back to her obedience, would be that of employing none. For the dread of the English arms once removed, provinces would rise up against provinces, and cities against cities; and we should be seen to turn against ourselves the arms we have taken up to combat the common

enemy.

"Independence, I am aware, has attractions for all mankind; but I maintain, that, in the present quarrel, the friends of independence are the promoters of slavery, and that those who desire to separate us, would but render us more dependent, if independence means the right of commanding, and not the necessity of obeying, and if being dependent is to obey, and not to command. If, in rendering ourselves independent of England, suppos. ing, however, that we should be able to effect it, we might be so, at the same time, of all other na. tions, I should applaud the project; but to change the condition of English subjects for that of slaves to the whole world, is a step that could only be

"Insurmountable necessity would then compel as to resort to the tutelary authority which we should have rashly abjured, and if it consented to receive us again under its egis, it would be no longer as free citizens, but as slaves. Still inexperienced, counselled by insanity. If you would reduce yourand in our infancy, what proof have we given of our ability to walk without a guide? none, and, if we judge the future by the past, we must conclude that our concord will continue as long as the danger, and no longer.

selves to the necessity of obeying, in all things, the mandates of supercilious France, who is now kind. dent. If, to British liberty, you prefer the liberty of ling fire under our feet, declare yourselves indepen Holland, of Venice, of Genoa, or of Ragusa, declare "Even when the powerful hand of England sup- yourselves independent. But, if we would not ported us, for the paltry motives of territorial limits change the signification of words, let us preserve and distant jurisdictions, have we not abandoned and carefully maintain this dependence, which has ourselves to discords, and sometimes even to vio-been, down to this very hour, the principle and lence? And what must we not expect now that source of our prosperity, of our liberty, of our real minds are heated, ambitions roused, and arms in independence.

the hands of all?

"If, therefore, our union with England offers us so many advantages for the maintenance of internal peace, it is no less necessary to procure us, with foreign powers, that condescension and respect which is so essential to the prosperity of our commerce, to the enjoyment of any consideration, and to the accomplishment of any enterprize. Hitherto, in our intercourse with the different nations of the world, England has lent us the support of her name and of her arms: we have presented ourselves in all the ports and in all the cities of the globe, not as Americans, a people scarcely heard of, but as Englisb; under the shadow of this respected name, every port was open to us, every way was smooth, every demand was heard with favor. Frem the

"But here I am interrupted, and told that no one questions the advantages which America derived at first from her conjunction with England; but that the new pretensions of the ministers have changed all, have subverted all. If I should deny, that, for the last twelve years, the English government has given the most fatal direction to the affairs of the colonies, and that its measures towards us savor of tyranny, I should deny not only what is the manifest truth, but even what I have so often advanced and supported. But is there any doubt that it already feels a secret repentance? These arms, these soldiers, it prepares against us, are not designed to establish tyranny upon our shores, but to vanquish our obstinacy, and to compel us to subscribe to conditions of accommodation. In vain is it asserted

that the ministry will employ all means to make tories, they will invade our fisheries and obstruct themselves quite sure of us, in order to exercise our navigation, they will attempt our liberty and upon us, with impunity, all the rigor of their power; our privileges. We shall learn too late what it costs for to pretend to reduce us to an absolute impossito trust to those European flatteries, and to place bility of resistance, in cases of oppression, would be, that confidence in inveterate enemies which has on their part, a chimerical project. The distance been withdrawn from long tried friends. of the seat of gevernment, the vast extent of inter"There are many persons who, to gain their ends, vening seas, the continual increase of our popula-extol the advantages of a republic over monarchy. tion, our warlike spirit, our experience in arms, the I will not here undertake to examine which of these lakes, the rivers, the forests, the defiles which two forms of government merits the preference. I abound in our territory, are our pledges that Eng know, however, that the English nation, after havland will always prefer to found her power upon ing tried them both, has never found repose except moderation and liberty, rather than upon rigour in monarchy. I know, also, that in popular repuband oppression. An uninterrupted succession of lics themselves, so necessary is monarchy to cement victories and of triumphs could alone constrain Eng- human society, it has been requisite to institute land to acknowledge American independence; monarchical powers, more or less extensive, under which, whether we can expect, whoever knows the the names of archons, of consuls, of doges, of goninstability of fortune can easily judge.

faloniers, and finally of kings. Nor should I here "If we have combated successfully at Lexington omit an observation, the truth of which appears to and at Boston, Quebec and all Canada have witnesme incontestable: the English constitution seems to sed our reverses. Every one sees the necessity of be the fruit of the experience of all anterior time; opposing the extraordinary pretensions of the min in which monarchy is so tempered, that the monarch isters; but does every body see also that of fight-finds himself checked in his efforts to seize absoing for independence? lute power; and the authority of the people is so reBut for "It is to be feared, that, by changing the object of gulated, that anarchy is not to be feared. the war, the present harmony will be interrupted, us it is to be apprehended, that when the counter. that the ardour of the people will be chilled by ap- poise of monarchy shall no longer exist, the demoprehensions for their new situation. By substitucratic power may carry all before it, and involve ting a total dismemberment to the revocation of the the whole state in confusion and ruin. Then an amlaws we complain of, we should fully justify the bitious citizen may arise, seize the reins of power, ministers; we should merit the infamous name of and annihilate liberty forever; for such is the ordirebels, and all the British nation would arm, with an unanimous impulse, against those who, from oppressed and complaining subjects, should have become all at once irreconcilable enemies. The English cherish the liberty we defend; they respect the dignity of our cause; but they will blame, they will detest, our recourse to independence, and will unite with one consent to combat us.

nary career of ill-balanced democracies, they fall into anarchy, and thence under despotism.

"Such are the opinions which might have been offered you with more eloquence, but assuredly not with more zeal or sincerity. May heaven grant that such sinister forebodings be not one day accomplish. ed! May it not permit that, in this solemn concourse of the friends of country, the impassioned language of presumptuous and ardent men should have more influence than the pacific exhortations of good and sober citizens; prudence and moderation found and preserve empires, temerity and presumption occasion their downfall.”

"The propagators of the new doctrine are pleas ed to assure us, that, out of jealously towards Eng. land, foreign sovereigns will lavish their succours upon us, as if these sovereigns could sincere by applaud rebellion; as if they had not colonies, even here in America, in which it is important for them to mainThe discourse of Dickinson was heard with attain obedience and tranquillity. Let us suppose, however, that jealousy, ambition, or vengeance, tention; but the current flowed irresistibly strong should triumph over the fear of insurrections; do in a contrary direction, and fear acting upon many you think these princes will not make you pay dear more powerfully even than their opinion, the mafor the assistance with which they flatter you? Who jority pronounced in favor of independence. The has not learnt, to his cost, the perfidy and the cu-deputies of Pennsylvania were accordingly authorpidity of Europeans? They will disguise their zed to return to congress, and to consent that the avarice under poinpous words; under the most be onfederate colonies should declare themselves free nevolent pretexts they will despoil us of our terri-land independent states,

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FINIS.