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interesting object of attention, whether we consider it in relation to the wealth and finances, or the strength and resources of the nation. With a sea-coast of near two thousand miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation, and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their industry and enterprise to these objects. Any serious and permanent injury to commerce, would not fail to produce the most embarrassing disorders; to prevent it from being undermined and destroyed, it is essential that it receive an adequate protection.

The Naval Establishment must occur to every man who considers the injuries committed on our commerce, the insults offered to our citizens, and the description of vessels by which these abuses have been practised. As the sufferings of our mercantile and seafaring citizens cannot be ascribed to the omission of duties demandable, considering the neutral situation of our country, they are to be attributed to the hope of impunity, arising from a supposed inability on our part to afford protection. To resist the consequences of such impressions on the minds of foreign nations, and to guard against the degradation and servility which they must finally stamp on the American character, is an important duty

of Government.

A Naval power, next to the Militia, is the natural defence of the United States. The experience of the last war would be sufficient to show, that a moderate Naval force, such as would be easily within the present abilities of the Union, would have been sufficient to have baffled many formidable transportations of troops from one State to another, which were then practised. Our sea-coasts, from their great extent, are more easily annoyed and more easily defended by a Naval force With all the materials our country abounds; in skill, our naval architects and navigators are equal to any; and commanders and seamen will not be wanting.

than any other.

But although the establishment of a permanent system of Naval defence appears to be requisite, I am sensible it cannot be formed so speedily and extensively as the present crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent the sailing of armed vessels, except on voyages to the East Indies, where general usage, and the danger from pirates, appeared to render permission proper; yet the restriction has originated solely from a wish to prevent collusions with the Powers at war, contravening the act of Congress of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and not from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means of defence, while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations as will enable our seafaring citizens to defend themselves against violations of the law of nations; and, at the same time, restrain them from committing acts of hostility against the Powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for defence by individual citizens, it appears to me necessary to equip the frigates, and provide other vessels of inferior force to take under convoy such merchant vessels as shall remain unarmed.

It

The greater part of the cruisers whose depredations have been most injurious, have been built, and some of them partially equipped in the United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to present the subject generally to your consideration. If a mode can be devised by the wisdom of Congress to prevent the resources of the United States from being converted into the means

[H. of R.

of annoying our trade, a great evil will be prevented. With the same view I think it proper to mention that some of our citizens resident abroad have fitted out privateers, and others have voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be restrained only by severe punishments.

But besides a protection of commerce on the seas, I think it highly necessary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most important ports. The distance of the United States from Europe, and the well known promptitude, ardor, and courage of the people, in defence of their country, happily diminish the probability of invasion: nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory incursions, the situation of some of our principal seaports demands your consideration; and as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means of general defence ought not to be increased by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provisional army.

With the same view, and as a measure, which even in commend to your consideration a revision of the laws for a time of universal peace ought not to be neglected, I reorganizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, to render that natural and safe defence of the country efficacious. Although it is very true, that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and separate from it if we can, yet to effect this separation, early, punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events, and of the political projects in contemplation, is them. It is necessary in order to the discovery of the no less necessary than if we were directly concerned in efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparations against them. However we may

consider ourselves, the maritime and commercial Powers of the world will consider the United States of America as forming a weight, in that balance of power in Europe, which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but it would be doing wrong to one half of Europe, at least, if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral, to consult with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits. At the same time that measures ought to be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near expiring, might be renewed. Gentlemen of the House of Representatives :

It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public finances; and to adopt such measures respecting them as exigencies shall be found to require. The preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraordinary expenses, will of course call for your serious attention. Although the imposition of new burdens cannot be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American people will expect from you such measures as their actual engagements, their present security, and future interests demand.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : The present situation of our country imposes an obligation on all the departments of Government to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In my situation, an

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President's Speech-Unfinished Business.

exposition of the principles by which my administration will be governed ought not to be omitted.

[MAY, 1797.

It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world, what has been before observed, that endeavors have been employed to foster and establish a division between the Government and people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not necessary; but to repel by de-assurances, that this House will take into considcided and united councils insinuations so derogatory to the honor, and aggressions so dangerous to the Constitution, union, and even independence, of the nation, is

an indispensable duty.

It must not be permitted to be doubted, whether the people of the United States will support the Government established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by their free choice, or whether by surrendering themselves to the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in opposition to their own Government, they will forfeit the honorable station they have hitherto maintained.

For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned the interests of my country, devoted the best part of my life to obtain and support its independence, and constantly witnessed the patriotism, fidelity, and perseverance of my fellow-citizens, on the most trying occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my heart has been so long engaged.

Convinced that the conduct of the Government has been just and impartial to foreign nations; that those internal regulations, which have been established by law for the preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, and that they have been fairly executed; nothing will ever be done by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon principles, which have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or to surrender in any manner the rights of the Government. To enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely upon God with entire confidence, on the firm and enlightened support of the National Legislature, and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens.

JOHN ADAMS.

Having concluded his Speech, after presenting a copy of it to the President of the Senate, and another to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the President retired, as did also the members of the Senate; and the Speaker having resumed his Chair. he read the Speech: After which, on motion, it was ordered to be committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.

WEDNESDAY, May 17.

Several other members, to wit: from New Hampshire, WILLIAM GORDON and JEREMIAH SMITH; from Pennsylvania, ANDREW GREGG; appeared, produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats.

The House proceeded, by ballot, to the choice of a Chaplain. On counting the votes they were as follows:

Rev. Dr. Ashbel Green 60; Dr. Priestley 12; Rev. Mr. Carroll 2; Rev. Mr. Helmuth 1. Dr. GREEN was consequently chosen.

THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH. The House then went into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. DENT, in the Chair, on the President's Speech. It was read by the Clerk.

Mr. CRAIK then moved a resolution, which, he observed, was merely a matter of form, as there had been one to the same effect, on every similar occasion. It was, "that it is the opinion of this committee, that a respectful Address should be presented to the President, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress, containing eration the various and important matters recommended to their consideration." The committee agreed to the resolution. They rose, and it immediately passed the House in the common form. be appointed to prepare an Answer to the Speech. On motion, it was Ordered, That a committee Mr. VENABLE, Mr. KITTERA, Mr. FREEMAN, Mr. RUTLEDGE, and Mr. GRISWOLD, were nominated to report the Answer.

On motion, by Mr. WILLIAMS, the Speech was referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. GILES then moved to adjourn. The House accordingly rose at half past 12 o'clock.

THURSDAY, May 18.

COMMITTEE ON UNFINISHED BUSINESS. Mr. Cort moved that a Standing Committee of Revisal and Unfinished Business be appointed.

Mr. HARTLEY hoped that such a committee would not be appointed, as, if all the unfinished business of last session were to be reported and acted upon, the session would be protracted to a length which he trusted was not the wish of the members of that House.

Mr. Corr observed, that the appointment of such a committee did not infer that the House would go into the consideration of all the unfinished business which might be reported ; but there might be some subjects which would require attention, particularly any laws which might be

about to expire.

of this committee; he was against attending to Mr. THATCHER was opposed to the appointment any private business; he wished only to attend to the important subject for which they had been called together. As to any laws being about to expire, he did not believe there were any, as all such were attended to last session.

Mr. GILES thought there was no necessity for this committee. He thought the question, however, of some importance, as the decision upon it would show whether the House intended to attend to ordinary business, or merely to that which would arise from the Speech of the President. For his part, he wished to get away as soon as possible, and, therefore, to confine their business to that subject upon which they were called to deliberate; and, though the Speech contained a variety of important objects, he hoped they should soon be able to get through them. He hoped, therefore, no business would be taken up until that was disposed of.

Mr. SITGREAVES said, the opposition to the appointment of this committee was totally without object. It should be recollected, he said, that the appointment of this committee was a part of the

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Standing Rules of the House; unless it were appointed, therefore, there would be a contravention of a rule. [Mr. S. read the rule.] For his own part, be was not prepared to say with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. THATCHER) that there were no laws which would expire before the next session of Congress. It was true, that these had been attended to last session; but it was also true, that laws which were passed for a limited time, were said to be for so long, "and until the end of the next session of Congress ;" and this session, being an extraordinary one, might put a period to some of such laws. But, suppose this were not the case, what mischief, he asked, could the appointment of the committee effect? He could see none. It would, by reporting the unfinished business, and any expiring laws (if such there were) take the trouble of inquiry from the House; and, when the business was reported, any part of it might be taken up or not as the House should determine. It might, therefore, be of some advantage, but could be of no disadvantage, to appoint this committee.

Mr. Corr (after obtaining leave to speak a third time on the same subject) said, his principal ob ject in the motion he had made, was to attend to expiring laws. The gentleman from Massachusetts was mistaken, when he asserted no law would expire before the next meeting of Congress. One he recollected; there might be others; it was a law passed May 6, 1796, relative to revenue cutters, which was to remain in force for one year, and from thence to the end of the next session of Congress; of course it would expire, if no provision was made to prevent it, with this ses

sion.

Mr. THATCHER withdrew his objection to the

motion.

Mr. GILES did not know that the appointment of this committee would protract the session; but if gentlemen attended to the duties of this committee, they would find that, if the House were to attend to all the subjects upon which they were to report, it would of necessity occupy a considerable length of time. [He read what these were.] If, indeed, it were understood that this committee was only to extend to expiring laws, he should have no objection to its being appointed; but, should a general report be made, and the House act upon it, the session would be extended to a period beyond what any member contemplated.

Mr. HARTLEY hoped the committee would not be appointed, as he said there were from ninety to one hundred private cases on the list of unfinished business, to consider which would make a long session. If it were intended merely to inquire what laws were expiring, he would agree to it, but not otherwise. The rules which were before them, he said, were intended only for their ordinary annual sessions, and not to govern an extraordinary meeting like the present. If this committee were appointed, they might proceed to the appointment of a Committee of Claims. He hoped they should not decide any thing, before they had disposed of the President's Speech.

Mr. NICHOLAS hoped this business would be

[H. OF R.

settled so as to meet the wishes of the House. He hoped a committee would be appointed and afterwards discharged from all other parts of their duty except what related to expiring laws.

The question being put, it was carried, there being 51 votes in favor of it; and a committee of three were appointed accordingly.

Mr. N. then moved that the committee be discharged from "examining and reporting, from the Journal of last session, all such matters as were then depending and undetermined; and also from revising the laws for the establishment of offices, and from reporting, from time to time, such provisions and expenses attending them as may appear to have become necessary.'

Mr. GILES seconded the motion. The only objection which he had to this procedure was, that it was rather awkward first to appoint a committee, and then to discharge it from a great part of its duties; but having appointed the committee, he hoped this course would be taken, as gentlemen would recollect how easy it was to glide from one step of business to another, which was not at first intended, when so much lay before them.

Mr. CRAIK was not prepared to say that it would be improper to act upon any of the unfinished business of last session. He felt as strong a disposition to make the present session a short one as other gentlemen; but to enable them to do the business properly, he thought the best way would be to suffer this committee to take the whole of it before them, as it was not in the power of individual members to go over the Journal of last session, and say what was necessary to be gone into. Upon a view of the subject, there might be measures which it would be essential to have acted upon; and, after the report was made, the House would not be obliged to take up any thing which it did not think it necessary to do, and therefore no inconvenience could arise from it.

Mr. SWANWICK said, whatever might be the decision of the House upon this question, there was one case which he thought in some degree connected with the subject of the President's Speech, which he wished to be considered. It was the case of North & Vesey, of Charleston, merchants, who prayed for the refunding of certain duties. There were circumstances in this case, he believed, which were infringements of existing treaties.

Mr. GILES said, if they gave way to business of this sort, they might expect to sit all the Summer, as every member had business entrusted to him which he thought of the first importance. He hoped they should attend only to the business upon which they were called.

Mr. SWANWICK hoped, if the present motion were agreed to, an exception would be made in favor of the case he had mentioned.

The SPEAKER said the exception would not be in order.

Then, Mr. SWANWICK added, he should vote against the motion, as he looked on this business of the first importance, and that whilst we were

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Documents accompanying the President's Speech.

attending to our own rights, we ought, in some degree, to respect those of other nations.

Mr. MACON said, it was of little consequence how the matter was determined, since, if the motion was carried, it would be in the power of any two members to bring forward any subject they pleased. He thought it would be best to determine to do no private business at all.

Mr. HARTLEY observed that if any private case were taken up, none deserved attention more than that of Mrs. Carmichael.

Mr. NICHOLAS knew that it was in the power of any two members to bring forward any private business, and, if they could persuade the House to do it, to have it decided; but he concluded, if this vote passed, all such attempts would be in

vain.

Mr. THATCHER hoped the motion would prevail, as it was well known they had agreed to meet a month sooner than usual in their annual session, on account of the number of private cases undetermined; and, if they were to go into that business now, it would detain them in session six months.

Mr. MACON believed it would take less time to go on in the usual way, than to pass the present vote; for, he was convinced when the report should be made, the bulk of the business would deter the House from entering upon it.

The question was put and carried without a division.

Mr. SWANWICK said, since they had determined to take up no private business, he wished the House to resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, in order that they might take up the President's Speech.

Mr. GILES observed that this would be premature, since the President had promised them certain papers which were not received, and they had yet to determine upon an Answer to his Speech.

Mr. WILLIAMS said, perhaps the business would be best expedited by an adjournment, since it would allow the gentlemen on the committee appointed for the purpose, time to prepare an Answer to the Speech, and report it the earlier. He made a motion to that effect, which was carried.

FRIDAY, May 19.

RICHARD BRENT, from Virginia, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified and took his

seat.

Mr. Corr, from the Committee of Elections, made a report from the documents which they had received, of members entitled to their seats.

RULE OF THE HOUSE.

The SPEAKER observed that there was a rule of the House in these words: "No committee shall sit during the sitting of the House, without special leave." He thought it necessary to observe, that he had sent to the committee to whom it was referred to prepare an Answer to the President's Speech, to learn if they were ready to report. They returned for answer that, provided

[MAY, 1797.

they had leave to sit, they should be able to report the Answer in half an hour. On motion, leave was given. DOCUMENTS REFERRED TO IN THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.

The SPEAKER informed the House that he had received a communication from the Department of State, containing sundry documents referred to by the President in his Speech to both Houses, numbered from 1 to 18. He proceeded to read No. 1, viz:

1. A letter from General Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, December 20, 1796, giving an account of his arrival at Bordeaux; of his journey from thence to Paris, in which, from the badness of the roads, he broke three wheels of his carriage; of the ill treatment he received from M. Delacroix, &c. He remarks, that it is not surprising that the French Republic have refused to receive him, since they have dismissed no less than thirteen foreign Ministers; and since they have been led to believe by a late emigrant, that the United States was of no greater consequence to them than the Republies of Genoa or Geneva. He also mentions, that it seemed to be the opinion in France, that much depended on the election of the President, as one of the candidates was considered as the friend of England, the other as devoted to France. The people of France, he observes, have been greatly deceived, with respect to the United States, by misrepresentation, being led to believe that the people and Government have different views; but, adds he, any attempt to divide the people from the Government, ought to be to the people of the United States, the signal for rallying. Gen. Pinckney several times mentions Mr. Monroe in this letter with great respect; and says that before his arrival the Directory had been very cool towards him, but, since that time, they had renewed their civilities to him.

2. Is a report of Major General Mountflorence to General Pinckney, dated December 18, 1796, on the subject of American vessels brought prizes into the ports of France.

3. Extract of a letter from Gen. Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, January 6, 1797, in which he mentions the distressed situation of American citizens, arriving in the ports of France, who were immediately thrown into prison, and could not be released, until an order was got from the American Minister, countersigned by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs; and no Minister being acknowledged there at present, no relief could be afforded. He, however, applied to M. Delacroix on their behalf, by means of the secretary, Major Rutledge, and got them attended to through the Minister of General Police. General Pinckney gives a further account of conversations which passed between his secretary and M. Delacroix, on the subject of his quitting Paris, in which he told him he must do so, or be liable to the operation of the police laws: but refused to commit his orders to writing. He mentions Barras's answer to Monroe's address as

MAY, 1797.]

Documents accompanying the President's Speech.

[H. OF R.

a curious production; but says it was not particu-ceive regular payments. He adds, however, that larly calculated as an answer to what was said by they have no will in opposition to the French Mr. Monroe, as he had it prepared, and was un- Government. acquainted with what would be said by Mr.

Monroe.

12. Extract of a letter from the Committee of Foreign Relations of the Batavian Republic, to 4. Extract of a letter from Gen. Pinckney to the above Minister, dated September 27, 1796, the Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, Febru-making it appear very desirable that the United ary 18, informing him, that, having had official States should join them in their common cause notice to quit the French Republic, he had gone against Great Britain, reminding him of the to Amsterdam. many services which they had rendered to this country.

5. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, March 5. in which he observes, that before he left Paris, it was rumored that the Dutch were determined to treat American vessels in the same manner as the French had done. He now believes that the French wished them to do so, as he had lately received intelligence that the Dutch had objected to do this, alleging that it would be a great injury to them, as they should then lose their trade with this country, and if so, they would be deprived of furnishing that support to the French which they then gave them. France acquiesced because she saw it was her interest; and having 25.000 troops in Batavia, it was generally known that they could do what they pleased with that country. The General adds, with detestation, that there are American citizens who fit out privateers to cruise against the trade of this country. 6. Extract of a letter from Major General Mountflorence to General Pinckney, dated Paris, February 14, mentioning the capture of a vessel from Boston, and another from Baltimore, by an American citizen on board a privateer; adding, that American cizens of this class are continually wishing for more rigorous laws against American

commerce.

7. Extract of a letter from the same to the same, dated Paris, February 21, giving an account of two more American vessels being brought into L'Orient by the same man, and of another vessel taken by a French privateer.

8. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, March 8, mentioning the capture of several American vessels; he also speaks of the disagreeableness of his situation; and was of opinion that the new third of the French Councils would determine whether this country and France were to remain at peace, or go to war. Though the former was desirable, he wished the measures of our Government to be firm.

9. Speech of Barras, President of the French Directory, on Mr. Monroe's recall.

10. The decree of the Executive Directory of March 2, relative to the seizure of American vessels.

11. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams, Esq., Minister Resident of the United States, near the Batavian Republic, to the Secretary of State, dated at the Hague, November 4, 1796, giving an account of the disposition of the people of that country towards this, which he states to be friendly; and this he attributes to its being their interest to be so. This country, he remarks, is the only quarter from which they re5th CoN.-3

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13. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams in answer to the above, wherein he says he shall not omit to forward their letter to his Government.

14. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams to the Secretary of State, dated Hague, February 17, 1797, representing the French Republic as paying as little attention to other neutral Powers as to the United States. He alludes to their conduct towards Hamburg, Bremen, Copenhagen, &c.

15. Extract of a letter from Rufus King, Esq., to the Secretary of State, dated London, March 12, 1797, to the same effect.

16. A letter from the Minister of Spain, resident in Philadelphia, to the Secretary of State, dated May 6, 1797, complaining of the injurious operation of the British Treaty against Spain, in three respects, viz: as it destroys the doctrine of free ships making free goods; as it makes certain articles contraband of war, which, in former treaties, were not considered so; and as it gives to Great Britain a right to navigate the Mississippi, which that Minister insists belonged not to us to give, as it belonged wholly to Spain before it gave the right to the United States, by the late treaty, to navigate that river. He concludes his letter with saying, that the King of Spain is desirous of harmony between the two countries, and relies upon the equity of his complaints for satisfaction.

17. A letter from the Secretary of State to the Spanish Minister, in answer to the above; in which he acknowledges that the treaty lately concluded between the two countries had proved satisfactory to the United States, as it put an end to a dispute which had existed for many years respecting the navigation of the Mississippi, and also as it afforded satisfaction to our mercantile citizens for the capture of our ships and cargoes. All these, he allowed, were acts of substantial justice; but all the other stipulations were wholly voluntary, and perfectly reciprocal. With respect to the three articles of complaint respecting the British Treaty, he justified the stipulations as being just and consistent, and such as this country had a right to enter into.

18. A letter from General Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, February 1, stating that the day after the arrival of the news of Buonaparte's successes in Italy, he received a letter from M. Delacroix, directing him to leave Paris. General Pinckney concludes this letter with observing, that the French seem to speak of this country as if it were indebted to them for

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