The plan of removing the Aboriginal People who yet remain within the settled portions of the United States, to the country west of the Mississippi river, approaches its consummation. It was adopted on the most mature consideration of the condition of this race, and ought to be persisted in till the object is accomplished, and prosecuted with as much vigor as a just regard to their circumstances will permit, and as fast as their consent can be obtained. All preceding experiments for the improvement of the Indians have failed. It seems now to be an established fact, that they cannot live in contact with a civilized community, and prosper. Ages of fruitless endeavours have, at length, brought us to a knowledge of this principle of intercommunication with them. The past we cannot recall, but the future we can provide for. Independently of the treaty stipulations into which we have entered with the various tribes, for the usufructuary rights they have ceded to us, no one can doubt the mural duty of the Government of the United States to protect, and, if possible, to preserve and perpetuate the scattered remnants of this race, which are left within our borders. In the discharge of this duty, an extensive region in the West has been assigned for their permanent residence. It has been divided into districts, and allotted among them. Many have already removed, and others are preparing to go ; and with the exception of two small bands, living in Ohio and Indiana, not exceeding fifteen hundred persons, and of the Cherokees, all the tribes on the east side of the Mississippi, and extending from Lake Michigan to Florida, have entered into engagements which will lead to their transplantation.

The plan for their removal and re-establishment is founded upon the knowledge we have gained of their character and habits, and has been dictated by a spirit of enlarged liberality. A territory exceeding in extent that relinquished, has been granted to each tribe. Of its climate, fertility and capacity to support an Indian population, the representations are highly favorable. To these districts the Indians are removed at the expense of the United States; and, with certain supplies of clothing, arms, ammunition, and other indispensable articles, they are also furnished gratuitously with provisions for the period of a year after their ajrival at their new homes. In that time, from the nature of the country, and of the products raised by them, they can subsist themselves by agricultural labor, if they choose to resort to that more of life ; if they do not, they are upon the skirts of the great prairies, where countless herds of buffalo roam, and a short time suffices to adapt their own habits to the changes which a change of the animals destined for their food may require.

Ample arrangements have also been made for the support of schools : in some instances, council houses and churches are to be erected, dwellings constructed for the chiefs, and mills for compion use. Funds have been set apart for the maintenance of the poor ; the most necessary mechanical arts have been introduced, and blacksmiths, gunsmiths, wheelwrights, millwrights, &c. are supported among them. Steel, and iron, and some

times salt, are purchased for them; and ploughs and other farming utensils, domestic animals, looms, spinning wheels, cards, &c. are present ed to them. And besides these beneficial arrangements, annuities are, in all cases, paid, amounting in some instances, to niore than thirty dollars for each individual of the tribe, and, in all cases sufficiently great, is justly divided and prudently expended, to enable them, in addition to their own exertions, to live comfortably. And as a stimulus for exertion, it is now provided by law that “in all cases of the appoint"ment of interpreters, or other persons employed for the benefit of the

“ Indians, a preference shall be given to persons of Indian descent, if J" such can be found who are properly qualified for the discharge of the “ duties."

Such are the arrangements for the physical comfort, and the moral improvement, of the Indians. The necessary measures for their political advancement, and for their separation from our citizens, have not been neglected. The pledge of the United States has been given by Congress, that the country destined for the residence of this people, shall be forever “ secured and guarantied to them.” A country west of the Missouri and Arkansas, has been assigned to them, into which the white seitlements are not to be pushed. No political communities can be formed in that extensive region, except those which are established by the Indians theniselves, or by the United States, for them, and with their concurrence. A barrier has thus been raised for their protection against the encroachments of our citizens, and guarding the Indians, as far as possible, from those evils which have brought them to their present condition. SunInary authority has been given by law, to destroy all ardent spirits found in their country, without waiting the doubtful result and slow process of a legal seizure. I consider the absolute and unconditional interdiction of this article among these people, as the first and great step in their melioration. Half-way measures will answer 'no purpose. These cannot successfully contend against the cupidity of the seller, and the overpowering appetite of the buyer. And the destructive effects of the trafic are marked in every page of the history of our Indian intercourse.

Some general legislation seems necessary for ihe regulation of the relations which will exist in this new state of things between the Governinent and the people of the United States, and these transplanted Indian tribes ; and for the establishment among the latter, and with their own consent, of some principles of intercommunication, which their juxtapo

sition will call for ; that moral may be substituted for physical force ; the authority of a few and simple laws for the tomahawk; and that an end may be put to those bloody wais, whose prosecution seems to have made part of their social system.

After the further details of this arrangement are completed, with a very general supervision over thein, they ought to be left to the progress of events. These, l'indulge the hope, will secure their prosperity and improvement ; and a large portion of the moral debt we owe them will then be paid.

The report from the SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, showing the condition of that branch of the public service, is recommended to your special attention. It appears from it, that our naval force at present in commission, with all the activity which can be given to it, is inadequate to the protection of our rapidly increasing commerce. This consideration, and the more general one which regards this arm of the national defence as our best security against foreign aggressions, strongly urge the continuance of the measures which promote its gradual enlargement, and a

speedy increase of the force which has been heretofore employed abroad and at home. You will perceive, from the estimates which appear in the report of the Secretary of the Navy, that the expenditures necessary to this increase of its force, though of considerable amount, are small compared with the benefits which they will secure to the country.

As a means of strengthening this national arm, I also recommend to your particular attention, the propriety of the suggestion which attracted the consideration of Congress at its last session, respecting the enlistment of boys at a suitable age in the service. In this manner a nursery of skilsul and able-bodied seamen can be established, which will be of the greatest importance. Next to the capacity to put afloat and arm the requisite number of ships, is the possession of the means to man them efficiently : and nothing seems better calculated to aid this object than the measure proposed. As an auxiliary to the advantages derived from our extensive commercial marine, it would furnish us with a resource ample enough for all the exigencies which can be anticipated. Considering the state of our resources, it cannot be doubted that whatever provision the liberality and wisdom of Congress may now adopt, with a view to the perfect organization of this branch of our service, will meet the approbation of all classes of our citizens.

By the report of the PostMASTER GENERAL it appears that the revenue of the department during the year ending on the 30th day of June last, exceeded its accruing responsibilities $236,206 ; and that the surplus of the present fiscal year is estimated at $476,227. It further appears that the debt of the department, on the 1st day of July last, including the amount due to contractors for the quarter then just expired, was about $1,064,381, exceeding the available means about $23,700; and that, on the 1st instant, about $597,077 of this debt had been paid ; 8409,991 out of postages accruing before July, and $187,086 out of postages accruing since. In these payments are included $67,000 of the old debt due to bapks. After making these payments, the department had $73,000 in bank on the 1st instant. The pleasing assurance is given, that the department is entirely free from embarrasenient, and that, by collection of outstanding balances, and using the current surplus, the remaining portion of the bank debt, and most of the other debt, will probably be paid in April next, leaving thereafter a heavy amount to be applied in

extending the mail facilities of the countıy. Reserving a considerable sum for the improveinent of existing mail routes, it is stated that the department will be able to sustain with perfect convenience an annual charge of $300,000 for the support of new routes, to commence as soon as they can be established, and put in operation.

The measures adopted by the Postmaster General to bring the means of the department into action, and to effect a speedy estinguishment of its debt, as well as to produce an efficient administration of its affairs, will be found detailed at length in his able and luminous report. Aided by a reorganization on the principles suggested, end such salutary provisions in the laws regulating its administrative duties as the wisdom of Congress may devise or approve, that important department will soon attain a degree of usefulness proportioned to the increase of our population and the extension of our settlements.

Particular attention is solicited to that portion of the report of the

Postmaster General which relates to the carriage of the Mails of the United States upon rail-roads constructed by private corporations under the authority of the several States. The reliance which the General Government can place on those roads as a means of carrying on its operations, and the principles on which the use of them is to be obtained, cannot too soon be considered and settled. Already does tbe spirit of monopoly begin to exhibit its natural propensities, in attempts to exact from the public, for services which it supposes cannot be obtained on other terms, the most extravagant compensation. If these claims be persisted in, the question may arise, whether a combination of citizens,

acting under charters of incorporation from the States, can, be a direct refusal, or the demand of an exorbitant price, exclude the United States from the use of the established channels of communication between the different sections of the country ; and whether the United States cannot, without transcending their constitutional powers, secure to the Post Office Department the use of those roads, by an act of Congress which shall provide within itself some equitable mode of adjusting the amount of

compensation. To obviate, if possible, the necessity of considering this question, it is suggested whether it be not expedient to fix by law, the amounts which shall be offered to railroad companies for the conveyance of the mails, graduated according to their average weight, to be ascertained and declared by the Pustmaster General. It is probable that a liberal proposition of that sort would be accepted.

In connexion with these provisions in relation to the Post Office Department, I must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the South, by attenipts to circulate through the mails infiammatory appeals addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints, and in various sorts of publications, calculated to stimulate them to insurrection, and to produce all the horrors of a servile war.

There is, doubtless, no respectable portion of our countrymen who can be so far misled as to feel any other sentiment than that of indignant regret at couduct so destructive of the harmony and peace of the country,

and so repugnant to the principles of our national compact, and to the dictates of humanity and religion. Our happiness and prosperity essencially depend upon peace within our borders—and peace depends upon the maintenance, in good faith, of those compromises of the constitution upon which the Union is founded. It is fortunate for the country that the good sense, the generous feeling, and the deep rooted attachment of the people of the von-slaveholding States to the Union, and to their fellowcitizens of the same blood in the South, have given so strong and impressive a tone to the sentiments entertained against the proceedings of the misguided persons who have engaged in these unconstitutional and

wicked attempts, and especially against the einissaries from foreign parts who have dared to interfere in this matter, as to authorize the hope, that those attempts will no longer be persisted in. But if these express sions of the public will shall not be sufficient to effect so desirable a result, not a doubt can be entertained, that the non-slaveholding States, so far from countenancing the slightest interference with the constitucional rights of the South, will be prompt to exercise their authority in suppressing, so far as in them lies, whatever is calculated to produce this evil.

In leaving the care of other branches of this interesting subject to the

State authorities, to whom they properly belong, it is nevertheless proper for Congress to take such measures as will prevent the Post Office De. partment which was designed to foster an amicable intercourse and correspoudence between all the members of the confederacy, from being used as an instrument of an opposite character. The General Government, to which the great trust is confided, of preserving inviolate the relations created among the States by the constitution, is especially bound to avoid in its own action, any thing that may listurb them. I would, therefore, call the special attention of Congress to the subject, and respectfully suggest the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States, through

the mail, of incendiary publications intended to instiga te the slaves to insurrection.

I felt it to be my duty, in the first message which I communicated to Congress, to urge upon its attention the propriety of amending that part of ihe constitution which provides for the eleclion of the Presidenl and the Vice President of the United States. The leading object which I had in view was the adoption of some new provisions, which would secure to the People the performance of this high duty, without any intermediate

agency. In my annual communications since, I have enforced the same views, from a sincere conviction, that the best interests of the country would be promoted by their adoption. If the subject were an ordinary one, I should have regarded the failure of Congress to act upon it, as an indication of their judgment, that the disadvantages which bolong to the present system were not so great as those which would result from any attainable substitute that had been submitted to their consideration. Recollecting, however, that propositions to introduce a new feature in our fundamental laws cannot be too patiently examined, and ought not to be received with favor, until the great body of the people are thoroughly iinpressed with their necessity and value, as a remedy for real evils, I feel that, in renewing the recommendation I have heretofore made on this subject, I am not transcending the bounds of a just defer.

ence to the sense of Congress, or to the disposition of the People. However much we may differ in the choice of the measures which should guide the administration of the Government, there can be but little doubt

in the minds of those who are really friendly to the republican features of our system, that one of its most important securities consists in the separation of the Legislative and Executive powers, at the saine time that each is held responsible to the great source of authority, which is

acknowledged to be supreme, in the will of the People constitutionally expressed. My reflection and experience satisfy me, that the framers of the constitution, although they were anxious to mark this feature as a settled and fixed principle in the structure of the Government, did not

adopt all the precautions that were necessary to secure its practical observance, and that we cannot be said to have carried into complete effect their intentions, until the evils wbich arise from this organic defect are remedied.

Considering the great extent of our Confederacy, the rapid increase of its population, and the diversity of their interests and pursuits, it cannot

be disguised that the contingency by which one branch of the Legislature is to form itself into an electoral college, cannot become one of ordinary