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inhabitant of the same State with themselves. They vote for President and Vice President separately, by distinct ballots. They make lists of the number of votes given, and of the persons voted for ; which they transmit, sealed, to the seat of the General Government, directed to the President of the Senate, who, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, opens all the certificates, and the votes are counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for President is duly elected, if such number be a majority of all the Electors appointed.

If no person bave such majorily, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, in the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose, immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President the votes are taken by States, the Representation from each having one vole: a quorum for this purpose consists of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States is necessary to a choice.

If the House of Representatives shall not choose a President when. ever the right of choice devolves upon them, before the fourth of March next following, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the Presideni.

The period of service is four years, but there is no restriction as to reelection. If the offices or President and Vice President should both become vacant, it then becomes the duty of the Secretary of State to communicate information thereof to the Executive of each State, and to cause the same to the published in at least one newspaper in every State, giving lewo months previous notice that Electors of President shall be appointed

or chosen in the several States, within thirty-four days next preceding the first Wednesday in December ensuing, when the choice of President must proceed as usual. The twelfth Presidential tern: cominenced with the sweaty-third Congress, on the fourth of March, 1833, and will terminale with the twenty-fourth Congress, on the fourth of March, 1837.

MARTIN VAN BUREN, of New York, $5,000 per annum.

The Vice President is, ex-officio, President of the Sevate ; and as President of the Senate, in virtue of an act of the 8th of May, 1792, one of the commissioners of the sinking rund. His salary of 5,000 dollars per annum, is fixed by the act of 18th of February, 1793. The Vice President is not a member of ihe cabinet. The ordinary duties of this officer is to preside in the Senate of the United States. When he does not officiate in that station, his place is supplied by a President of the Senate pro tempore, who is chosen from the body of Senators by ballot, laod receives additional compensation for his services

The Vice President is elected in the same manner, at the same time, for the same term, and by the same Electors as the President. But is no person has a majority of the whole number of Electors, then from the two highest numbers in the list, the Senate chooses the Vice President; a quorum for this purpose consists of two-thirds of the whole i.umber of Senators, and a majority of the whole is necessary to a choice.

No person, constitutionally ineligible to the office of President, is eligible to ibat of Vice President of the United States.

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MESSAGE From the President of the United Stales, to the Iwo Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the first session of the twenty fourth Congress.


AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES : In the discharge of my official duty, the task again devolves upon nie of communicating with a new Congress. The reflection that the representatiou of the Union has been recently renewed, and that the coustitu. tional term of its service will expire with my own, heightens the solici. tude with which I slali altempt to lay before it the state of our national concerns, and the devout hope which I cherish, that its labors to improve Thein may be crowned with success.

You are assembled at a perio:l of prófound interest to the American patriot. The unexainpled growth and prosperity of our country, having given us a rank in the scale of nations which removes all apprehension of danger to our integrity and independence from external focs, the career of freedom is before us, with an earnest from the past, that, if true to ourselves, there can be no formidable obstacle in the future, to its peaceful and uninterrupied pursuit. Yet, in proportion to the disappearance of those apprehensions which attended our weakness, as once contrasted with the power of some of the States of the old world, sbould we now be solicitous as to those which belong to the conviction, that it is to our own conduct we must look for the preservation of those causes, on which depend the excellence and the duration of our happy systemo of Government.

lu the example of other systems, founded on the will of the people, we trace to internal dissension the influences which have so often blasted the hopes of the friends of freedom. The social elements, wbich were strong and successful when united against external danger, failed in the more difficult task of properly adjusting their own internal organization, and lhus gave way the great principle of self-government. Let us trust that this adınonition will never be forgotten by the Government or the People of the United States ; and that the testimony which our experience thus far holds out to the great human family, of the practicability and the blessings of free goveroment, will be confirmed in all time to como.

We have but to look at the state of our Agriculture, Manufactures, and Commerce, and the unexampled increase of our population, to feel the magnitude of the trust committed to us. Never in any former period of our history have we had greater reason than we now have, to be thankful to Divine Providence for the blessings of health and general prosperity. Every branch of labor we see crowned with the most abuo. dant rewards: in every element of national resources and wealth, and of individual comfort, we witness the most rapid and solid improvements. With no interruptions to this pleasing prospect at home, which will not yield to the spirit of harmony and good will that 60 strikingly pervades the mass of the people in every quarter, amidst all the diversity of interest and pursuits to which they are attached : and with no cause of soli. citude in regard to our external affairs, which will not, it is boped, disappear before the principles of simple justice and the forbearance ihat

mark our intercourse with foreigo powers, we have every reason to feel proud of our beloved country.

The general state of our FOREIGN RELATIONS has not materially changed since my last a muual message.

la the settlement of the question of the Northeastern boundary, little progress has been made. Great Brilain has declined acceding to the proposition of the United States, presented in accordance with the resolution of the Senate, unless certain preliminary conditions were admitted, which I deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightful adjustment of the controversy. Waiting for some distinct proposal from the Government of Great Britain, which has been invited, I can only repeat the expression of my confidence, that with the strong mutual disposition which I believe exists, to make a just arrangement, this perplexing guestion can be settled with a due regard to the well-founded pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties to it. Events are frequently occurring on the Northeastern frontier, of a character to impress upon all the necessity of a speedy and defiuitive termination of the dispute. This consideration, arded to the desire common to both, to relieve the liberal and friendly relations so happily existing between the two countries from all embarrassinent, will, no doubt, have its just influence upon both.

Our diplomatic intercourse with Porlugal has been renewed, and it is expected that the claims of our citizens, partially paid, will be fully satisfied as soou as the coudition of the Queen's Government will permit the proper attention to the subject of them. That Government has, I am happy to inform you, manifested a determination to act upon the liberal principles which have marked our commercial policy ;-be hap piest effects upon the future trade between the United States and Portugal are anticipated from it, and the time is not thought to be remore when a system of perfect reciprocity will be established.

The instalments due under the convention with the King of the Two Sicilies, have been paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which bis whole conduct has been characterized, and the hope is indulged, that the adjustment of the vexed questiou of our claims will be followed by a more extended and mutually beneficial intercourse between the two countries,

The internal contest still continues in Spain. Distinguished as this struggle has unhappily been, by incidents of the most sanguinary character, the obligations of the late treaty of indemnification with us, have been, nevertheless, faithfully executed by the Spanish Government.

No provision having been made at the last session of Congress, for the ascertainment of the claims to be paid, and the apportionment of the

funds, under the convention made with Spain, I invite your early aitention to the subject. The public evidences of the debt have, according to the terms of the convention, and in the forms prescribed by it, been placed in the possession of the United States, and the interest, as it fell due, has been regularly paid. upon them. Our commercial intercourse with Cuba stands as regulated by the act of Congress. No recent information has been received as to the disposition of the Government of Madrid on this subject, and the lamented death of our recently appointed Minister on his way to Spain, with the pressure of their affairs at home, render it scarcely probable that any change is to be looked for during the coining year. Further portions of the Florida archives have been sent to the United States, although the death of one of the Commissioners, at

a critical moment, enibarrassed the progress of the delivery of them. The higher ufficers of the local Government have recently shown an anxious desire, in compliance with the orders from the parent Government, to facilitate the selection and delivery of all we have a right to claim.

Negotiations have been opened at Madrid, for the establishment of a lasting peace between Spain and such of the Spanish American Goveroments of this hemisphere, as have availed themselves of the intimation given to all of them, of the disposition of Spain to treat upon the basis of their entire independence. It is to be regretted, that simultaneous a ppointments by all, of ministers to negotiate with Spain, had not been made ; the negotiation itself would have been simplified, and the longstanding dispute, spreading over a large portion of the world, would have been brought to a more speedy conclusion.

Our political and comniercial relations with Austria, Prussia, Sweden, and Denmark, stand on the usual favorable basis. One of the articles of our treaty with Russia in relation to the trade on the Northwest coast of America having expired, instructions have been given to our Minister at St. Petersburg to negotiate a renewal of it. The long

and unbroken amity between the two Governments gives every reason for supposing the article will be renewed, if stronger motives do not exist to prevent it than, with our view of the subject, can be anticipated here.

I ask your attention to the message of my predecessor at the opening of the second session of the nineteenth Congress, relative to our com. mercial intercourse with Holland, and to the documents connected with that subject, communicated to the House of Representatives on the 10th of January, 1825, and 18th January, 1827. Coinciding in the opinion of my predecessor, that Holland is not, under the regulations of her present system, entitled to have her vessels and their cargoes received into the United States on the footing of American vessels and cargoes, as regards duties of tonnage and impost, a respect for his reference of it to the Legislature has alone prevented me from acting on the subject. I should still have waited, without comtiment, for the action of Congress, but recently a claim has been made by Belgian subjects to admission into our ports for their ships and cargoes, on the same sooting as American, with the allegation we could not dispute, that our vessels received in their ports the identical lieatment shown to them in the ports of Holland, upon whose vessels no discrimination is made in the ports of the United States. Giving the same privileges, the Belgians expected the same benefits benefits that were in fact enjoyed when Belgium and Holland were united under one government. Salisfied with the justice of their pretension to be placed on the same rooting with Holland, I could not, nevertheless, without disregard to the principle of our laws, admit their claim to be treated as Americans ; and at the same time a respect for Congress, to whom the subject had long since been referred, has prevented me from producing a just equality, by taking from the vessels of Holland privileges conditionally granted by acts of Congress, although the condiijon upon which the grant was made has, in my judgment, failed since 1822. I reconimend, therefore, a review of the act of 1824, and such a modification of it as will produce an equality, on such terms as Congress shall thiok best comports with our setiled policy, and the obligations or ljustice to two friendly powers.

With the Sublime Porle, and all the Governments on the coast of Barbary, our relations continue to be friendly. The proper steps have been taken to renew our treaty with Morocco.

The Argentine Republic has again promised to send, within the cur. rent year, a Minister to the United States.

A convention with Mexico for extending the time for the appointment of commissioners to run the boundary line has been concluded, and will be submitted to the Senate. Recent events in that country have awakened the liveliest solicitude in the United States. Aware of the strong tempo tations existing, and powerful inducements held out to the citizens of the United States, to mingle in the dissensions of our immediate neighbors, instructions have been given to the distict attorneys of the United States, where indications warranted it, to prosecute, without respect to persons, all who might attempt to violate the obligations of our neutrality; while, at the same time, it has been thought necessary to apprize the Government of Mexico that we should require the integrity of our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties.

From our diplomatic agents in Brasil, Ciile, Peru, Central America, Venesuela, and New Granada, constant assurances are received of the continued good understanding with the Governments to which they are severally accredited. With those governments upon which our citizens have valid and accumulating claims, scarcely an advance towards a settlement of them made, owing mainly to their distracted state, or to the pressure of imperative domestic questions. Our patience has been, and will probably be still further severely tried; but our fellow citizens whose interests are involved may confide in the determination of the Government to obtain for them, eventually, ample retribution.

Unfortunately, many of the nations of this hemisphere are still selftormented by domestic dissensions. Revolution succeeds revolution, injuries are committed upon foreigners engaged in lawful pursuits, much time elapses before a Government sufficiently stable is erected to justify expectations of redress—Ministers are sent and received, and before the discussions of past injuries are fairly began, fresh troubles arise ; but too frequently new injuries are added to the old, to be discussed together, with the existing Government, after it has proved its ability to sustain the assaults made upon it, or with its successor, ifoverthrown. If this unbappy condition of things continues much longer, other nations will be under the painful necessity of desiding whether justice to their suffering citizens does not require a prompt redress of injuries by their own power, without waiting for the es’ablishment of a Government competent and enduring enough to discuss and to make satisfaction for them.

Since the last session of Congress, the validity of our claims upon France, as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, has been acknowledged by both branches of her Legislature, and the money has been appropriated for their discharge ; but the payment is, I regret to inform you, still withheld.

A brief recapitulation of the most important incidents in this protracted controversy, will show how utterly untenable are the grounds upon which this course is attempted to be justified.

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