the island of Cuba as will best accomplish the object which her Majesty's government had in view when those laws and regulations were enacted. It is hardly necessary for the undersigned to assure your excellency that these suggestions arise from the purest motives, and would not have been made unless the President had considered the very friendly and cordial relations existing between the United States and Spain as justifying this application, and had he not been bound to another friendly nation by engagements which it is his duty as well as his pleasure to carry out faithfully. It is almost equally unnecessary for me to inform your excellency that it would afford the utmost satisfaction to the President and the people of the United States if any obstacles existing in the island of Cuba to the complete suppression of the African slave trade should be removed by the considerate action of the government of her Catholic Majesty. The undersigned takes great pleasure to assure, &c., &c., &c. SIR: On the 6th of last month a note was received at this department from Mr. Tassara, requesting that a certain shipment of leather accoutrements destined for Spanish troops in Cuba, which had been detained at the New York custom-house, might be allowed to proceed to their destination. The existence of a general order of the War Department, which prohibits the exportation of arms and military accoutrements, forbade a compliance with the request of Mr. Tassara. As information upon this subject will probably be communicated by him to his government, it is deemed proper to bring the matter to your attention, in order that you may be able to explain to her Catholic Majesty's minister for foreign affairs the grounds upon which the refusal of Mr. Tassara's request was based. At the present time the resources of the country are taxed to the utmost to supply our own troops, and for this reason the government is compelled to enforce rigidly the executive order of November 21, 1862, prohibiting the exportation of arms, ammunition, and military stores. It is hardly necessary to add, that under other circumstances the request of her Catholic Majesty's minister would have been most cheerfully complied with. I am, sir, your obedient servant, SIR: Some weeks ago the British steamer Princess, Captain St. Clair, from New Castle to Ancona, in ballast, entered the port of Malaga to coal. Suspicion being aroused, a somewhat thorough search by the port authorities discovered secreted in the hold several rifled cannon, revolvers, sabres, a large amount of powder, military accoutrements, Congreve rockets, boarding hooks, The and a box full of signals. These articles, not being in the manifest, and therefore liable to confiscation, were seized, and are now in the government stores. captain and crew were arrested, but, on the guarantee of the British consul, were allowed to remain on board. An embargo is laid on the ship. Captain and crew protest their innocence; state that they were engaged by a Mr. Felix, alias Captain Robson, to take charge of the ship in ballast, and to take her around to Ancona, where she was to serve as a packet on the Adriatic, and that they absolutely did not know what was secreted in the hold. By some it was supposed that the cargo was intended for revolutionists in Spain; by others for the party of action in Italy; still by others that it was to be shipped to the Danubian principalities, or to Circassia. The peculiar character of the armament, however, has led some, myself included, to believe that it was meant to be transshipped to some confederate pirate. Before the Princess made Malaga she had been hovering around the coasts of the Bay of Biscay and of Portugal, probably waiting for the Florida from Brest, or the Rappahannock (Virginia,) which lately left England in an unfinished condition. Our vice-consul at Malaga, Mr. Geary, is watching the proceedings there closely. Sir John Crampton has in a very friendly manner given me all the information he himself possesses, derived from voluminous reports of the British consul at Malaga. The consuls of Cadiz, Valencia, and Barcelona, have received instructions to exercise the utmost vigilance in their respective ports. The contraband articles are for the present out of harm's way, and will in all probability be confiscated. Feeling thus secure for some time to come at least, I have not yet addressed myself to the government here, awaiting further developments. I mean, however, to have an informal conversation about the subject in my next interview with the minister of state. SIR: Your interesting despatch of the 14th of February, No. 76, has been received. The war in St. Domingo is an affair which can be considered by this government only with reference to the duties and obligations of the United States as a member of the family of nations. The revolutionists in that island have, in various forms and through several channels, appealed to this government for recognition, for aid, and for sympathy. Pursuing the policy we have too ineffectually insisted upon at the hands of other nations, we have not received any agents of the revolution, even informally, nor have we in any way responded to them, while we have given instructions to ministerial officers to see that the nentrality laws of the United States are regularly maintained and enforced. You must have already received instructions from this department to submit certain claims of American citizens against her Catholic Majesty's government for redress for injuries and losses sustained by them, as they represent, in the military operations which have taken place on the island. Those instructions indicate with sufficient clearness, it is hoped, the manner in which the claims are to be presented. It is thought inexpedient to authorize any concert with the representatives of other powers in presenting or prosecuting the claims. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. GUSTAVUS KOERNER, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Madrid. Mr. Koerner to Mr. Seward. No. 83] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I had the honor of addressing you in my despatch, No. 79, of the 5th instant, upon the seizure of the British steamer Princess at Malaga. I did believe at the time that the Princess was a confederate boat, and had taken measures accordingly. A few days after sending my despatch, Sir John Crampton paid me a visit and laid before me photographic copies of two letters, directed to Captain Sinclair, of the Princess, which he had just obtained from the British consul at Malaga, and which seem to place the matter in a different light. The first is a note without signature, dated Paris, and on which is imprinted the national seal of Poland. It informs Captain Sinclair that Prince C. has taken proper steps to release him and the boat; that Count Wohl had left with good letters of recommendation, for Madrid, and that the captain would soon hear from the count. I may remark here that C. stands, in all probability, for Czartorisky, Prince Wladislaew Czartorisky being president of the Polish National Committee at Paris. The second letter is one written from a hotel in Madrid by said Count Wohl, informing the captain of his arrival, and enclosing to him for present purposes two hundred dollars. It would appear, therefore, that the Princess was fitted out in the interest of the Polish revolution. The object is still a matter of some mystery; I cannot well imagine it, and to me the plan of operating against Austria or Russia by sea appears to be a very wild one. Yet the present state of Europe offers such a labyrinth of complications that even the most fantastic schemes may carry with them probabilities of success. In order to find out, if possible, what steps have been taken by this Count Wohl here in Madrid in respect to the boat and crew, and to make myself still more certain of the true character of the persons interested in the enterprise, I had an interview with the minister of state, Señor Pacheco. He said he had no knowledge of any agent having arrived here. No one had approached him on the subject. It was a matter, however, which belonged to the minister of finance. He thought, from what he had heard, that the Princess was chartered on Polish account. The Russian minister had been to see him about it. The cargo, he thought, and perhaps the boat too, would be confiscated. I have, however, still advised our vice-consul at Malaga to watch proceedings there closely and to report to me everything of importance. Mr. Ruiz Geary, the vice-consul, has done very well, and shown an intelligent zeal in the matter. To Sir John feel under great obligations. He has made it a point to give me all information in his possession at the earliest moment, and on this, like all other occasions, has shown none but the best feelings for our country. I think the idea of retiring from San Domingo is growing stronger here every day. It undoubtedly would be the wisest policy, but none except a strong ministry will be equal to the task, and such a one does not at present exist. There is much ability in the cabinet, but its strength in the Cortes has not yet been tested. The Archduke Maximilian has just returned to Miramare, and in a few days will formally accept the Mexican crown and assume the title of the “ Emperor of the Mexicans." Ambassadors and ministers will be immediately sent to the European powers before he embarks. The name of the person designed to represent him here is already given in the papers. I would thank you for an intimation as to the manner in which you desire me to regulate my conduct towards him. He will, of course, make me an official visit. Shall it be returned officially, or only privately? Your obedient servant, SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of February 28, No. 78, and to inform you that the manner in which you have executed my instructions to communicate with her Catholic Majesty's government concerning the slave trade in Cuba is entirely approved. I thank you for the copy of the publication made by the Condé de Reus, containing the results of his observations in America. The article has been already transferred to our journals, and it has given much satisfaction to the American people. SIR: For your information I enclose herewith a copy of a despatch of the 12th instant from the consulate general at Havana, on the subject of an apprehended revolt of the negroes on the island, through the agency of Dominican and Haytian emissaries. I am, sir, your obedient servant, GUSTAVUS KOERNER, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Madrid. No. 75.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Koerner. Department of State, Washington, March 25, 1864. SIR: I enclose herewith a copy of a letter, dated the 23d instant, which has been received at this department from the Secretary of the Navy, calling attention to certain facilities extended by the Spanish Admiral Don F. Pavia to the commander of the United States steamer Wyoming, in allowing that vessel to be repaired and replenished with coal at the Spanish naval depot at the port of Cavite. Pursuant to the suggestion contained in this letter, you are instructed, upon the receipt of this despatch, to communicate to Admiral Pavia, through the appropriate channel, the thanks of this government for the facilities so kindly and courteously extended by him to the commander of the Wyoming. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. The new ministry has lately carried in the Senate a law by which, in principle, the hereditary right of grandees of Spain to have, under certain conditions, a seat in the Senate, has been abolished. There is, however, a reservation in the law which secures the right to persons who have it now, but have not actually taken their seats in the Senate, either by reason of their minority or some other cause. As the majority in the Senate was very large, there seems to be no doubt of the House of Deputies adopting the measure also. I look upon the changes as of no consequence. There were but few grandees who could enter by mere inheritance, as to do so required also a yearly fixed income of $10,000, which few had; besides, it is doubtful whether the Senate would not have gained by having at least some members in it who did not owe their office to the nomination of the government. Yet even the liberals in Spain, a good deal like their neighbors in France, seem to care much more about equality than about liberty, not reflecting that in a pure despotism there is really the greatest equality, all being equally slaves. A Senate composed exclusively of a privileged class would secure the rights of the people a great deal better than one which is entirely filled up by the nomination of the Crown. It is stated here in various journals, which are likely to receive information from ministerial circles, that Mr. Preston has gone to Mexico to establish commercial relations with the new empire, and to procure its recognition of the Confederate States. It is also said in some of the papers that Spain has entered into a treaty with the new emperor, reserving the throne of Mexico, in case of failure of issue, to a Spanish prince. This would be an important fact if true, as it would secure the moral co-operation of Spain in the establishment of the new empire, and would have a tendency to place Spain in a somewhat antagonistic position to the United States. That Spain, in the end, would be cheated of her expectations I have no doubt; but still it is not altogether improbable that some inducements have been held out to her, which may have some present effect. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant, GUSTAVUS KOERNER. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. No. 76.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Koerner. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 1, 1864. SIR: I enclose a copy of a memorandum on the subject of what is called the Talambo question, between Spain and Peru. There is some reason to apprehend that the latter power may be disposed to press the matter. This would |