Mr. Chandler's was the first business establishment in Detroit or in Michigan to reach a total of fifty thousand dollars in its annual sales, and this, an important event in the business of the state, was attained within ten years of his arrival in the city. During the second decade of his business life he gave up his retail trade, and from that day to his retirement his course was one of uninterrupted and yearly enlarged prosperity. It is neither desirable not possible to minutely relate his business history in these pages. Between 1850 and 1855 he began to surrender a portion of the management of his affairs to others; as his political interests grew he still further relied upon his associates, and in 1857, just before taking his seat in the senate, his name was withdrawn from the firm, though he retained a considerable special interest. From that day his active share in its management ceased. In 1869 his capital was withdrawn and the present firm of Allan, Sheldon & Company assumed full ownership.

Mr. Chandler's less than twenty-five years of active business brought him a large fortune, which were investments increased to great wealth. They made him, also, a thoroughly practical man, gave him capacity for organization and administration of the highest order, and earned him a very large circle of personal acquaintances who, however they might differ with him in opinion, knew him too well to doubt his motives or to distrust his ability. His wonderful cleansing and reorganization of the

complished by the application to the public business of the same simple methods which made his business a success; and, on the other hand, it was his sagacity and success in private affairs which laid the foundations of the influence that made it possible for him to lift his bewildered constituents out of the mire, by main strength, as he did during the inflation insanity of 1878. He often put his influence to heroic tests, but it never failed.

Mr. Chandler came to Michigan with strong feelings upon public questions, but with no thought of making for himself a political future or of taking any greater share in political affairs than his duty as a citizen demanded. His father had been first a Federalist and then a Whig, and he himself gave his adherance to the latter party, though his opinions relating to slavery and to the various devices by which the ravenous slave power was from time to time appeased, were in advance of the Whigs, and he never formed an alliance by which they could be made effective, until the organization of the Republican party.

During the earlier years of his residence in Detroit, his business forbade more than the slightest share in political work. Between the years 1837 and 1848 he was frequently among the officers of Whig meetings, and at the polls he used his powers of persuasion to win voters to the Whig cause, and his power of body to protect them in casting their ballots. This latter was no light duty, as the arguments of the Democratic

missionaries were very apt to be physical.

It may be stated, as a general proposition, that the Michigan Whigs were in a minority from the erection of the state until they gave way to the new Republican party. This is not literally true of every year, and the control of every office, but it expresses the general partisan relations of the state. General Cass was justly respected and held in grateful honor for his services to Michigan, and he exercised his talents for leadership to the utmost, only surrendering his control when the southward drifting of his party had carried him too far from the position of the controlling New England element in his state. The Democratic control of office and reward in Michigan attracted many bright and ambitious young men, not entirely in sympathy with its doctrines, and there is no question that it was more efficiently organized and better officered than was the opposition.

Among Mr. Chandler's earliest practical services to the cause of freedom, was his liberal support of the "Underground Railroad," of which Detroit was one of the most important termine. He gave large sums of money toward its operating expenses, and was active in sustaining the defense of the many actions brought and stubbornly prosecuted against the harborers of fugitive slaves.

Mr. Chandler's early training as an orator and debater was obtained in the Young Men's Society of Detroit, an organization which aided in developing the talents of many men later promin

ent in public life. Among his associates in this society were Jacob M. Howard, Anson Burlingame, Henry P. Baldwin, James V. Campbell and G. V. N. Lothrop, all of whom attained eminence in public affairs. In 1848 he made his first appearance before a miscellaneous audience, making several campaign speeches in behalf of General Taylor. These speeches are spoken of as being logical, practical and convincing, foreshadowing the strength of later years, though, of course, somewhat rugged and crude. In 1850 he was one of the Wayne county delegation to the state convention of the Whig party.

These were Mr. Chandler's principal services in public affairs up to the year 1851, when he was destined to take a more active and personal part. At the Whig city convention, held in February of that year, to select candidates for the charter election of the following month, he was unanimously nominated for mayor of the city after one informal ballot. His opponent was General John R. Williams, senior officer of the state militia, president of the constitutional convention of 1835, and who had held the office of mayor of the city for six terms, having been, in 1824, the first incumbent of that position. He was universally liked and respected, had the advantage of a large fortune, and was a very difficult man to defeat. A delegation of the Whig convention waited upon Mr. Chandler and asked him if he would run against General Williams. Ilis answer was prompt and characteristic: "I will, and I will beat him, too." He proceeded to carry out his promise by

a thorough organization and a searching personal canvass that resembles in miniature his later work in a broader field. It is a coincidence that some of the strongest arguments made in his favor were based upon his known advocacy of a thorough system of "internal improvements" for the city. As a result of his canvass he was elected by a majority of three hundred and thirtyfour, running nearly four hundred ahead of his associates upon the ticket. His administration justified the promises made by his friends, and upon his retirement he was complimented by a laudatory resolution passed by the unanimous vote of the common council. This was Mr. Chandler's first office and the beginning of his long and successful connection with practical politics.

On the first day of July, 1852, the Whig convention of the state of Michigan met at Marshall, and before its organization it became apparent that Mr. Chandler was the choice of a majority of the delegates for the gubernatorial nomination. An informal ballot gave him a strength of 76 votes against 13 for all other candidates, and upon the first formal ballot he received 95 of the 99 votes cast. Approached upon the subject, before the convention, he had expressed a preference for a place in the party ranks, and had encouraged the movement in his favor only by say ing that should he be the choice of the convention he would not refuse the place.

Indeed, the position at the head of the Whig state ticket was not an inviting one. Since the erection of the state of Michigan there had been but one instance in which the dreary monotony of Democratic success had been broken by the election of a Whig governor-that in which William Woodbridge was elected in revenge for the financial disasters of the later thirties. The Democratic party had a clear majority over any possible combination that could be brought against it, and, from the close of the term for which Woodbridge was chosen, had elected six governors in succession, with an average majority of five thousand four nundred and sixteen.

In 1852, when Mr. Chandler was nominated, the situation was especially difficult. The national convention of the Whig party had nominated Scott F. Graham and had "baited with whales to catch sprats," by condemning the anti-slavery sentiment and expression within the party. The politicians of the day were so accustomed to surrendering to the south, that such suicide as that involved in this resolution did not seem too high a price to pay for the patronizing appoval of that section. Of course the Whigs of New England, and still more the Whigs of the west, were alienated by this utterance-for they had, really, as a party, no raison d'etre save such as lay in opposition to the growing encroachments of slavery. [To be Continued.]

OF AMERICAN bibliographers, Henry Stevens, who died in London, on the last day of February, was the most eminent. He went to that city from Vermont, his native State, in 1845, and there he remained until his death. He was soon employed to furnish the British Museum library with North American and South American books of all kinds. As a consequence, we find there the largest and most valuable depository in existence of "Americana” —that is, of American works of history.

THE American Historical society was in session three days and evenings during the last week in April, in Washington. George Bancroft, historian, was chosen president, and delivered an eloquent address of welcome to the delegates. Many of America's most distinguished writers, professors, and other learned gentlemen, were present. The late Von Ranke, the German historian, was an honorary member of the Association. Interesting papers were read as follows: On Columbus; The Landfall of John Cabot in 1497; Graphic Methods of Illustrating History; The Neglect and Destruction of Historical Material in this Country; New Views of Early Virginia History; The Part Taken by Virginia Under the Leadership of Patrick Henry in Establishing Religious Liberty; A New England Aristocracy in the Middle of the Eighteenth Century; The Development of Municipal Government in Massachusetts; The March of the Spaniards Across Illi. nois; The Settlement of the Lower St. Lawrence; The Early Protective Movement and the Tariff of 1828; The Attack on Washington City in 1814; Confederate and Federal Strategy in the Pope Campaign Before Washington in 1862; The Value of Topographical Knowledge in Battles and Campaigns; The Origin of

States Rights; The Reconstruction of History; The Foundation of the Dutch and West India Companies; and Franklin and France.

man.

WHO has not heard of Andrew Carnegie, the rich iron manufacturer of Pittsburgh? He was born about fifty years ago in Dunfermline, Scotland. He came to this country with his parents, when a boy, and secured employment as a messenger at the weekly pay of two dollars and fifty cents. He now controls four of the largest iron and steel works in the country! He is, in many respects, a remarkable He has written two or three books-the latest is entitled, "Triumphant Democracy; or, Fifty years March of the Republic.' This work is, perhaps, the most eulogistic of the United States of any ever written. The great and underlying principles of this government, he is anxious that the people of Great Britain shall fully understand; and, to that end, he has formed a syndicate, which has purchased a number of daily and weekly newspapers in that country, all of which are in a flourishing condition. In these as well as in his book, he seeks to show to the plain, common folk, the democracy of Britain, the progress, prosperity and happiness of their child, the Republic, that they may still more deeply love it, and learn that the government of the people through the Republican form, and not the government of a class through the monarchical form is the great foundation of individual growth and of national greatness.

THE lexicographers of the United States are hard at work. A complete revision of 'Webster's Dictionary' is now in progress. President Noah Porter is the editor-in-chief and has entire charge of the work, aided by a large corps

of eminent literary authorities, mainly Yale professors, though some of them are from other colleges. In addition there are a number of assistants, a majority of whom are recent Yale graduates. Altogether nearly one hundred persons are employed in one way or another in this enterprise. The cost of the revision is met by the publishers, Messrs. Merriam & Co., Springfield, Mass. The general plan of the last revision will be followed. It is important to know that a definition to the word "dude" will be given, while the same honor will be given to that word so much used just "boycott.".. Professor W. D. Whitney is the editor-in-chief of a new dictionary

now "

which is being prepared for the Century Publishing Company of New York. Sixty associate editors and assistants are employed on this work and it will cost a quarter of a million dollars. Professor Whitney will make some radical changes in the spelling of words, and in many instances will adhere to the phonetic system. The work will not be completed until September, 1889.

IT IS always well enough to have a fair amount of pride of opinion, in writing history; at the same time, it must be confessed, that there is, frequently, too much acrimony in historical criticism. "I care nothing," says M. Margry, "for attacks from which search after truth is excluded and which are little else than passion." It is not every one, however, who has reached this high plane. The test should be, in all controversies concerning historical matters does what is said tend only to the interest and dissemination of historical truth?

THE publication of "Catholic Researches," by Rev. A. A. Lambing, in Pittsburgh, is, from an historical standpoint, certainly to be commended. Although specially devoted to the collection and preservation of Catholic historical documents and Catholic incidents in the Pittsburgh region, it is valuable to all interested in the early history of western Pennsylvania. Mr. Lambing is laborious, painstaking in his researches, and reliable in his state

ments.

He insists in the April number, that Chiningue, visited by Céloron de Bienville, in 1749, at the command of Count de la Galissonière, then governor of Canada, was the Indian village known to the English as Logstown, about eighteen miles down the Ohio, from what is now the city of Pittsburgh. In this he is correct; and he would have been equally correct had he said that the village was then situated on the right (north) side of that river.

WHETHER the compilation of Champlain's 'Voyages' (Les Voyages de la Nouvelle France) of 1632, was the work of Champlain's

own hand, has, by some, been doubted. And this doubt has been made to include the map which accompanies the work-the first map to deliniate any portion of the Northwest. It is true that, upon the title-page of the publication of 1632, it is not expressly stated that the "Voyages" were compiled under Champlain's personal supervision; but, upon the map is the inscription," par le Sieur de Champlain." It would be improbable that the publisher should state expressly that the map was the work of Champlain had not such been the fact. And again, from the circumstance that the compilation of 1632 was simply the bringing together of his Voyages' which had been separately published at different periods before that date, any reference in the text to the map which had not previously made its appearance, would have been, of course, an absurdity; it is, however, referred to on the title-page, the only place where the publisher could properly make mention of it, as the book has no preface. Admitting the index to the map to have been made by another (which is by no means certain) this does not militate against the map itself being, as it professes to be, "by the Sieur de Champlain." Remote parts are noted upon it; lakes, rivers and mines indicated; Indian tribes located; to which there are no references whatever in the 'Voyages;' but all of which are evidently given upon information derived from the savages, of whom inquiry had been made by Champlain himself; for no other