against the rebel forces, directly or indirectly,! Resolved, That the thanks of the Democracy of Penney?~ during the existence of the rebellion; and allvania be tendered to the Hon. Charles R. Buckalew and Hon. Edgar Cowan, for their patriotic support of the President's restoration policy; and that such thanks are due to all the democratic members of Congress for their advocacy of the restoration policy of President Johnson. persons, their agents and employés, charged with the occupancy of abandoned lands or plantations, or the possession or custody of any kind of property whatever, who occupied, used, possessed, or controlled the same pursuant to the Union Convention of Pennsylvania, March 7. order of the President, or any of the civil or 2. That the most imperative duty of the present is to military departments of the Government, and to gather the legitimate fruits of the war, in order that our Constitution may come out of the rebellion purified, our protect them from any penalties or damages institutions strengthened, and our national life prolonged. that may have been or may be pronounced or 3. That failure in these grave duties would be scarcely adjudged in said courts in any of such cases; secession and in the treasonable machinations of the conless criminal than would have been an acquiescence iù and also protecting colored persons from prose-spirators, and would be an insult to every soldier who took cutions in any of said States charged with offences for which white persons are not prosecuted or punished in the same manner and degree. By command of Lieutenant General Grant: E. D. TOWNSEND, SUPPRESSION OF DISLOYAL NEWSPAPERS. HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON, Feb. 17, 1866. You will please send to these headquarters as soon as practicable, and from time to time thereafter, such copies of newspapers published in your department as contain sentiments of disloyalty and hostility to the Government in any of its branches, and state whether such paper is habitual in its utterance of such sentiments. The persistent publication of articles calculated to keep up a hostility of feeling between the people of different sections of the country cannot be tolerated. This information is called for with a view to their suppression, which will be done from these headquarters only. By order of Lieutenant General Grant: T. S. BOWERS, up arms to save the country. and fearless courage with which Andrew Johnson resisted 4. That filled with admiration at the patriotic devotion and denounced the efforts of the rebels to overthrow the National Government, Pennsylvania rejoiced to express her entire confidence in his character and principles, and appreciation of his noble conduct, by bestowing her suffrage upon him for the second position in honor and dignity in the country. His bold and outspoken denunciation of the crime of treason, his firm demands for the punishment of the guilty offenders, and his expressions of thorough sympathy with the friends of the Union, secured for him the warmest attachment of her people, who, remembering his great services and sacrifices, while traitors and their sympathizers alike denounced his patriotic action, appeal to him to stand firmly by the side, and to repose upon the support, of the loyal masses, whose votes formed the foundation of his pro motion, and who pledge to him their unswerving support in all measures by which treason shall be stigmatized, loyalty recognized, and the freedom, stability, and unity of the Na tional Union restored. 5. That the work of restoring the late insurrectionary States to their proper relations to the Union necessarily devolves upon the law-making power, and that until such action shall be taken no State lately in insurrection is entitled to representation in either branch of Congress; that, investigate for itself the condition of the legislation of those as preliminary to such action, it is the right of Congress to States, to inquire respecting their loyalty, and to prescribe the terms of restoration, and that to deny this necessary constitutional power is to deny and imperil one of the dearest rights belonging to our representative form of gov→ ernment, and that we cordially approve of the action of the Union representatives in Congress from Pennsylvania on this subject. Assistant Adjutant General. Democratic Convention of Penn., March 5, 1866. The Democracy of Pennsylvania, in Convention met, recognizing a crisis in the affairs of the Republic, and esteeming the immediate restoration of the Union paramount to all other issues, do resolve: 1. That the States, whereof the people were lately in rebellion, are integral parts of the Union and are entitled to representation in Congress by men duly elected who bear true faith to the Constitution and laws, and in order to vindicate the maxim that taxation without representation Ls tyranny, such representatives should be forthwith admitted. 2. That the faith of the Republic is pledged to the payment of the national debt, and Congress should pass all laws necessary for that purpose. 3. That we owe obedience to the Constitution of the United States, (including the amendment prohibiting slavery), and under its provisions will accord to those emancipated all their rights of person and property. 4. That each State has the exclusive right to regulate the qualifications of its own electors. 5. That the white race alone is entitled to the control of the Government of the Republic, and we are unwilling to grant the negroes the right to vote. 6. That the bold enunciation of the principles of the Constitution and the policy of restoration contained in the recent annual message and Freedmen's Bureau veto message of President Johnson entitle him to the confidence and support of all who respect the Constitution and love their country. 7. That the nation owes to the brave men of our armies and navy a debt of lasting gratitude for their heroic services in defence of the Constitution and the Union; and that While we cherish with a tender affection the memories of the fallon, we pledge to their widows and orphans the nation's care and protection. 8. That we urge upon Congress the duty of equalizing the bounties of our soldiers and sailors, The following was also adopted: 6. That no man who has voluntarily engaged in the late rebellion, or has held office under the rebel organization, should be allowed to sit in the Congress of the Union, and that the law known as the test oath should not be repealed, but should be enforced against all claimants for seats in Congress. 7. That the national faith is sacredly pledged to the payment of the national debt incurred in the war to save the country and to suppress rebellion, and that the people will not suffer this faith to be violated or impaired; but all debts incurred to support the rebellion were unlawful, void, and of no obligation, and shall never be assumed by the United States, nor shall any State be permitted to pay any evidences of so vile and wicked engagements. 15. That in this crisis of public affairs, full of grateful recollections of his marvellous and memorable services on the field of battle, we turn to the example of unfaltering and uncompromising loyalty of Lieutenant General Grant with a confidence not less significant and unshaken, because at no period of our great struggle has his proud name been associated with a doubtful patriotism, or used for sinister purposes by the enemies of our common country. 17. That the Hon. Edgar Cowan, Senator from Pennsyl- the fourth resolution, but after some discussion was with- drawn: That, relying on the well-tried loyalty and devotion of Andrew Johnson to the cause of the Union in the dark days of treason and rebellion, and remembering his patriotic conduct, services, and sufferings, which in times past endeared his name to the Union party; and now reposing full confidence in his ability, integrity, and patriotisma, wo express the hope and confidence that the policy of his Allministration will be so shaped and conducted as to save the nation from the perils which still surround it. The fourth resolution was then adopted-yeas 109, nays 21. General Grant's Order for the Protection of Cit- the citizen must be left to the States alone, and under such izens. HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, July 6, 1866. [General Orders, No. 44.] Department, district, and post commanders in the States lately in rebellion are hereby directed to arrest all persons who have been or may hereafter be charged with the commission of crimes and offences against officers, agents, citizens, and inhabitants of the United States, irrespective of color, in cases where the civil authorities have failed, neglected, or are unable to arrest and bring such parties to trial, and to detain them in military confinement until such time as a proper judicial tribunal may be ready and willing to try them. A strict and prompt enforcement of this order is required. By command of Lieutenant General Grant: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant General. Resolved, That the registered loyal voters of Maryland will listen to no propositions to repeal or modify the registry law, which was enacted in conformity with the provisious of the constitution, and must remain in full force until such time as the registered voters of the State shall decree that the organic law shall be changed. 2. That the loyal people of the State are "the legitimate guardians and depositaries of its power," and that the disloyal "have no just right to complain of the hardships of a law which they have themselves deliberately provoked." 3. That it is the opinion of this convention, that if disloyal persons should be registered, it will be the duty of judges of election to administer the oath prescribed by the constitution to all whose loyalty may be challenged, and, in the language of the constitution, to "carefully exclude from voting" all that are disqualified. 4. That we cordially endorse the reconstruction policy of Congress, which excludes the leaders of the rebellion from all offices of profit or trust under the National Government, and places the basis of representation on the only just and honest principle, and that a white man in Virginia or South Carolina should have just as much representative power, and no more, than a white man in Pennsylvania or Ohio. 5. That the question of negro suffrage is not an issue in the State of Maryland, but is raised by the enemies of the Union party for the purpose of dividing and distracting it, and by this means to ultimately enable rebels to vote. 6. That we are pledged to the maintenance of the present constitution of Maryland, which expressly and emphatically prohibits both rebel suffrage and negro suffrage, and we are equally determined to uphold the registry law, which disfranchises rebels and excludes negroes from voting, and have no desire or intention of rescinding or abolishing either the constitution or the registry law. 7. That we warn the Union men of Maryland "that no Union man, high or low, should court the favor of traitors, as they can never win it-from the first they have held him as their enemy, and to the last they will be his; and that they should eschew petty rivalries, frivolous jealousies, and self-seeking cabals; so shall they save themselves falling one by one, an unpitied sacrifice, in a contemptible struggle." The vote upon the adoption of each resolution was unanimous, with the exception of the sixth resolution, upon which a division was called, and the result showed 54 yeas to 14 nays. The resolutions were then read as a whole, and adopted unanimously as the utterance of the Convention. Convention of Southern Unionists. TO THE LOYAL UNIONISTS OF THE SOUTH: The great issue is upon us! The majority in Congress, and its supporters, firmly declare that "the rights of the citizen enumerated in the Constitution, and established by the supreme law, must be maintained inviolate.' Bebola and rebel sympathizers assert that "the rights of regulations as the respective States choose voluntarily to prescribe." We have seen this doctrine of State sovereignty carried out in its practical results until all authority in Congress was denied, the Union temporarily destroyed, the constitu tional rights of the citizen of the South nearly annihilated, and the land desolated by civil war. The time has come when the restructure of Southern State government must be laid on constitutional principles, or the despotism, grown up under an atrocious leadership, be permitted to remain. We know of no other plan than that Congress, under its constitutional powers, shall now exercise its authority to establish the principle whereby protection is made coextensive with citizenship. We maintain that no State, either by its organic law or legislation can make transgression on the rights of the citizen legitimate. We demand and ask you to concur in demanding protection to every citizen of the great Republic on the basis of equality before the law; and further, that no State government should be recognized as legitimate under the Constitution in so far as it does not by its organic law make impartial protection full and complete. Under the doctrine of "State sovereignty," with rebels in the foreground, controlling Southern legislatures, and emUnion, there will be no safety for the loyal element of the bittered by disappointment in their schemes to destroy the South. Our reliance for protection is now on Congress, and the great Union party that has stood and is standing by our nationality, by the constitutional rights of the citizen, and by the beneficent principles of the government. South into conjunctive action with the true friends of reFor the purpose of bringing the loyal Unionists of the publican government in the North, we invite you to send delegates in goodly numbers from all the Southern States, and Delaware, to meet at Independence Hall, in the city of including Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia, Maryland, Philadelphia, on the first Monday of September next. It is proposed that we should meet at that time to recommend measures for the establishment of such government in the South as accords with and protects the rights of all citizens. gations of such as represent the true loyalty of the South. We trust this call will be responded to by numerous deleThat kind of government which gives full protection to all rights of the citizen, such as our fathers intended, we claim erty must rule the nation or rebels and their sympathizers as our birthright. Either the lovers of constitutional libbe permitted to misrule it. Shall loyalty or disloyalty have sponses to this call which is now in circulation for signatures, the keeping of the destinies of the nation? Let the reand is being numerously signed, answer. Notice is given that gentlemen at a distance can have their names attached ham, Esq., of Washington, D. C. to it by sending a request by letter directed to D. W. Bing Tennessee................W. B. STOKES, Texas....... XIII.-Interesting Figures chiefly from the Census of 1860, bearing on Representation. Iowa Indiana.. Kansas........ Maine..... Massachusetts Michigan.... Minnesota. Pennsylvania. Texas....... Virginia*. Including Asiatics. I Estimated. *Nevada admitted since, with one Representative-making whole number, at present, 212. West Virginia created since, with three Representatives-leaving Virginia 8, instead of 11 allowed in 1860 Voles in the U. S. House of Representatives on the Various Tariffs. Tariff of Tariff of Tariff of Tariff of Tariff of Tariff of Tariff of Tariff of Tariff of 1824. 1828. 1832. 1842. 1846. 1857. 1861. 1864. Tariff Bill of 1866.* 0130OT 4 740000 340100 1 MIDDLE STATES. 16 10 15 23 15 24 17 17 26 8 11 18 21 26 8 27 5 24 23 1 1 3 6 1 3 0 3 1 2 21 3 15 11 3 0 1 2 15 57 11 52 18 53 12 387 1 1 17 47 25 30 47 4 32 3 37 13 67517432 421 127 0 0 1 0 0 120 635 1 14 57 3 50 27 203310 12421 1 1 9 13 Minnesota..... Wisconsin.. ...... ...... ...... 3 Grand Total......... 88 54 107 102 105 94 132 65 104 103 114 95 122 72 105 64 81 28 94 53 Statement of the Public Debt of the United States on the 1st of June, 1866. *July 12-In SENATE, postponed till December next-yeas 23, nays 17, as follow: YEAS-Messrs. Brown, Davis, Doolittle, Foster, Grimes, Guthrie, Ilarris, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, Kirkwood, On receiving the Proceedings of the Philadelphia 14th of August Convention. 1866, August 18-A committee of the Convention presented the proceedings through their Chairman, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, who made some remarks in so doing. President JOHNSON replied: MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE: Language is inadequate to express the emotions and feelings produced by this occasion. Perhaps I could express more by permitting silence to speak and you to infer what I ought to say. I confess that, notwithstanding the experience I have had in public life and the audiences I have addressed, this occasion and this assemblage are calculated to, and do, overwhelm me. As I have said, I have not language to convey adequately my present feelings and emo tions. In listening to the address which your eloquent and distinguished chairman has just delivered, the proceedings of the Convention, as they transpired, recurred to my mind. Seemingly, I partook of the inspiration that prevailed in the Convention when I received a dispatch, sent by two of its distinguished members, conveying in terms the scene which has just been described, of South Carolina and Massachusetts, arm in arm, marching into that vast assemblage, and thus giving evidence that the two extremes had come together again, and that for the future they were united, as they had been in the past, for the preservation of the Union. When I was thus informed that in that vast body of men, distinguished for intellect and wisdom, every eye was suffused with tears on beholding the scene, I could not finish reading the dispatch to one associated with me in the office, for my own feelings overcame me. [Applause.] I think we may justly conclude that we are acting under a proper inspiration, and that we need not be mistaken that the finger of an overruling and unerring Providence is in this great movement. The nation is in peril. We have just passed through a mighty, a bloody, a momentous ordeal; and yet do not find ourselves free from the difficulties and dangers that at first surrounded us. While our brave soldiers, both officers and men, [turning to General Grant, who stood at his right,] have by their heroism won laurels imperishable, there are still greater and more important duties to perform; and while we have had their co-operation in the field, now that they have returned to civil pursuits, we need their support in our efforts to restore the Government and perpetuate peace. [Applause.] So far as the executive department of the Government is concerned, the effort has been made to restore the Union, to heal the breach, to pour oil into the wounds which were consequent upon the struggle, and (to speak in common phrase) to prepare, as the learned and wise physician would, a plaster healing in character and coextensive with the wound. [Applause.] We thought, and we think, that we had partially succeeded; but as the work progresses, as reconciliation seemed to be taking place, and the country was becoming reunited, we found a disturbing and marring element opposing us. In alluding to that element I shall go no further than your Convention and the distinguished gentleman who has delivered to me the report of its proceedings. I shall make no reference to it that I do not believe the time and the occasion justify. We have witnessed in one department of the Government every endeavor to prevent the restoration of peace, harmony, and Union. We have seen hanging upon the verge of the Government, as it were, a body called, or which assumes to be, the Congress of the United States, while in fact it is a Congress of only a part of the States. We have seen this Congress pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act tended to perpetuate disunion and make a disruption of the States inevitable. Instead of promoting reconciliation and harmony, its legislation has partaken of the character of penalties, retaliation, and revenge. This has been the course and the policy of one portion of your Government. The humble individual who is now addressing you stands the representative of another department of the Government. The manner in which he was called upon to occupy that position I shall not allude to on this occasion. Suffice it to say that he is here under the Constitution of the country, and being here by virtue of its provisions, he takes his stand upon that charter of our liberties as the great rampart of civil and religious liberty. [Prolonged cheering.] Having been taught in my early life to hold it sacred, and having done so during my whole public career, I shall ever continue to reverence the Constitution of my fathers, and to make it my guide. [Hearty applause.] |