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to ruin, or stand on the brin's of struction. And the exceites of every kind, ratura! cortequences ci fuch an acarcby, will bring on the total diliciutin of the fate, if act timely preyented."

But behold the grass c22aior!-" The ccssections between nations, which border on each oiher, are to istim te, that the fabjeas of the neighbouring powers have already felt the moti disagreeable efects from chefe citorcers. These powers are cbliged, at a - great expence, to take measures of precaution, in order to secure the

tranquility of their own fronders: they are expoied to the encertaia, , but putible coniequences of the entire dif!ation of Poland; to the danger of seeing their mareal harmony ard gred friendlip de ftroyed; the main chance of which, at the same time that it fecures their own peace and tranquillity, is a matter of the highet importance to ai! Europe.

“ Urged by reasons fo many ard fo weighty,” we are not to konder that the three powers “frd themselves under a neceffity of taking . a decilive part, in circonfiances so very critical.” And that their faid Majefties have “ determined among themselves, without loss of time, and with one accord, to take the most effectual and best combined mealares, in order to re-establish tranquillity and good order in Poland; to fiop the present troubles, and to put the ancient conftiteiion of that kingdom, and the liberties of the people, on a sure and Lolid foundation, é Lút while these felf-chofen arbitrators “take advantage of that mutual friendhip and good harmony which happily fub

Gifts between them at present, they cannot but be sensible how Tittle'it is in their power to promise themfelves, in future peTiods, the fame happy concurrence;"—for a convenient seizure and 'amicable partition, of their neighbour's property." Befide, is be not a forry angler indeed, who does not know the advantage of fishing in a troubled Itream ? And, arropos! “ As they have respečlively very considerable claims on the pillions of the republic, (it would have been urpardonable to have wanged claims ai so lucky a juncture for asserting them) " which they cannot permit themselves to expose to the hazard of poffible contingencies; they have thereiore determined themselves

to aflert their antient rights and lawful claims, which cach of them will be ready to justify in iime and place by authentis records, and folid reasons.'-This is downright plain horett dealing. This is pulling off the mark indeed! But was eier effioniery so barefaced ! Patience, however, good Reader, a moment longer :

“ In confequence hereof, her Majefy the Empress of all the Rur. fias, her Majesty the Empress Dowager-queen of Hungary and Botual poñellion of such parts of the territories of the republic, as may: serve to fix more natural and fure bounds between her and the three, powers. The faid three powers engaging to give bertajler an exact ipecification of their respective quotas : and renouncing from the present moment all revival of right, demand, or claim, on account of damages sustained, debt, intereli, or any other pretence whatever, which they might otherwise have, or form on the possessions, or subjects of the republic.”

hemia, and his Majesty the King of Prussia ; having communicated • reciprocally their respective rights and claims; and being mutually ..convinced of the justice thereof; are determined to secure to them• felves a proporsionable equivalent, by taking immediate and elec.


Well might the indignart Letter-writer exclaim, on this no.. table instance of the model alfirance of crowned heads, " Sure I am that fo gross an insult was never offered to common senie.': But, as he very properly adds, " What can men say, who are to defend such a during breach of the laws of nations ?' and severe, indeed, is the reflection which he subjoins :-- The' ministers of Petersburgh are accustomed to appear without blutieing, at the tribunal of the public, in the defence of any cauie. The death of Perer, and the afaffination of Prince John, inuied them to it.' Nor does he fcruplc to affirm that the new allies; of Rusia, with all their religion and philosophy, are pot a; whit more fcrupulous or baltul.

Our Author now proceeds to discriminate the artful mixture of truth and deceit contained in the Manifesto. The two first propofitions he allows to be true ; but all the rest he treats' isa tirlue of artifice and falsehood. We shall not weaken the force of his arguments by separating them in any unconnected extracts; but thall refer our Readers, for complete fatisfaction, to the Letter itfelf. What the Writer fays, however, of the mischiefs resulting from the elective conditution of the Polish monarchy, may, without impropriety, be detached from the rett: of his very intelligent obfervations :

· Look into the hiitory of the Poles, Sir, and you will see, th: tje furce of all their misfortunes, was, their kingdom becoming elellive, and their unwisely determining to elect a fureign.price, from that moment the aribition and rapacity of their neighbours weie awakened: every one became a candidate, or took an active part in farour of one of the candidates, and to the exclusion of the reir. ilence almost every vacancy of the throne excited troubles : hence the powers bordering on Poland were fo often involved in them : bence, under pretext of securing their own frontiers, their troops entered into Poland, and Jilated to the republic whom the should chuco. A thousand little patrons prevented the Polish nation in geberal hon attending to, and remedying these eviis in time. Their pride was fiattered a: lecing themselves courted by the neighbouring powers; their avarice was fed by the prelen:s and pronies of the ageren: candidates, and their atherents : a spirit of fellithnels and senality icized upon a whole nation; and falle notions of liberty were imbibed.

Feasing what the forces of the foreigner ther elected right be emproved to cridave shom,' every new clefinn was marked by Bew


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laws, which, under the specious pretence of reftraining the power of the future King, and securing the independency of each individual, served only to weaken the state, and enslave the whole. You remember what Montesquieu has faid on this occasion : " L'independance de chaque particulier eft l'objet des Loix de la Pologne; et se, qui en resulte, l'oppreffion de tous."-These few words, Sir, contain the belt picture of the Polish constitution that ever was drawn.

• The candidate, who succeeded, glad to obtain a crown at any şate, promised whatever was demanded; the friends of those who were disappointed, were not sorry to fee lessened the consequence of a crown, which they had not had interest enough to obtain. As by these laws the legislative and executive powers in Poland were weak. ened, and rendered inactive, their neighbours went farthes: and, under pretence of securing the freedom of elections, the liberties of the people, and the rights of the different orders and classes of citizens, they took upon theirselves the title and office of guarntees of the government of Poland. For, that this is no pew idea, you may fee, by the letters and declarations of the honse of Austria. daring the interregnum occasioned by the death of Augustus II. You will find chem in the ninth volume of the Recueil Historique of Rouflet.

• Hence the Poles were no longer masters of fixing, or changing, as circumitances might require, their own internal form of government: the power of the crown was annihilated : and foreign princes grew omnipotent. This heedless people had kicked against the le. gal authority of a limited prince; and now crouched beneath the infolent and humiliating tyranny of itrangers.

• The natural, and indeed only method of diminishing, by little and little; and, in time, of putting a final stop to this evil, would have been, to have made it a fundamental law, that none but a na: tive could ever be promoted to the throne. The patriotic part of the kingdom were so fenfible of this, that at the death of Augustus II. the whole nation bound itself by an oath, not to elect, not even to propose, a foreign candidate,"

Hence it is observed, by this ingenuous Writer, that the Em. press of Russia might with reason alledge, as a proof of her good intentions, that the recommended a native to the throne. And,

most certainly, he adds, the particular candidate whose interests the espoused, was the man who was the most worthy of the throne, and who, to all appearance, would render himself the moft agreeable to his fellow citizens, and his neighbours.” The following is the sketch here given of the character of this truly amiable and respectable, but unfortunate prince :

• He was the fon of the first secular senator of the kingdom; allied tə the most powerful and ancient families in it: his education had been directed on a plan the most liberal and manly: he had travelled to all the courts of Europe; and in all had left the most favourable impressions behind him: he had diftinguished himself by a nervous eloquence; by a thorough knowledge of the laws and conftitutions of his own country, and of the interests and characters of the other courts of Europe: and, above all, he had enlarged and jaft ideas of


the rights of mankind, and the ends for which superior power is lodged in the hands of a few. In a word, if he had never reigned, his enemies theirselves would have allowed, that no man was ever more worthy of a crown.':

The Author enumerates the gross abuses which were corrected, and the useful and falutary regulations which were established, during the two first years of the reign of this worthy prince; who, he affirms, did more good, in that sort period of tranquillity, than had ever been done by the house of Saxony, (to which house * the Writer, seems to have great averfion) during two ignominious reigns of sixty years,

To what then, it will be asked, is it owing, that thefe promising appearances have vanished ? that a King who deserved fo well of his people, has been so ill treated by them i that the powers, who boaft To much of their good will towards Poland do now conspire its ruin that the Empress of Russia joins in this unjust conspiracy against the very King, and nation, for whom the appeared to interest herself so warmly at first?'

To answer these interrogatories, is the business of the next Letter; in which, as we are here told, the Reader will see ! to what ex cesses superstition and fanaticism may be hurried, when worked upon by art and knavery: of what outrages the spirit of party is capable, when masked beneath the cloak of patriotism : to what low and mean artifices the pride of Kings can sometimes descend; of what villainies a royal Philosopher ; of what hypocriey an apoftolic Queen can be guilty.

For the publication of this second Letter we shall wait with fome degree of impatience: in the meantime, let us join with this animated Writer in thanking heaven that we are born Englishmen, and far removed from the neighbourhood of the philosopher Sans Souci ; who has often, he says, been heard to exclaim, when the Petitions and Remonftrances presented to the British throne by our towns and counties, have been talked of at his table, " Ah, why am not I their King ? with an hundred thousand of my troops round the throne, and a score or two of executioners in my train, I should soon make them as dutiful as they are brave; and myself the first monarch of the universe.”

• He gives us the following anecdote, in evidence of the weak and contemptible character of Auguftus III. Judge of the man, says he, by his amusements. A favourite and daily diversion with him was, to order a number of dogs to be got together; and whilft the poor animals were feeding in his court, this doughty monarch was shooting at them from his windows. Such was the prince, whom the courts of Vienna and Petersburgh destined to, and forced upon the throne of Poland : such was the prince, whom, in these days, the blind researment of party has erected into a hero and a patriot.?



On this royal, but not very philosophical gasconade, our Au. thor remarks, that the Englijn would hardly with that his Prusfian Majesty fhould try the experiment; and yet, says he, perhaps it might be for the good of mankind; for they would teach him, what he has most thoroughly forgot,' that “ kings were made for the people, not the people for kings:” with which just, patriotic, and truly British maxim, the present Letter is concluded.

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ART. IX. Conclufron of the Account of Dow's Hiftory of Hindofas.

Vol. III. See Review for last Month.
E come now to the historical part of the Work before

US, which takes in a period of fixty-five years, including the reigns of Jenangire and Shaw Jehan, and the reiga of Aurungzebe, till the empire was comple:ely fetiled under his dominion. This period ends with the year of our Lord 1669, and exhibits an important and illustrious portion of the history of Hindoftan. It contains many friking characters, signal revolutions, and surprising reverles of fortune. Indeed, it abounds throughout with curious and interesting particulars, which are the more valuable on account of their having been hitherto very im perfectly known in Europe.

As it would be imposible, within any tolerable compass, to pursue the Author regularly through the course of the volume, we must content ourselves with selecting some pafiages for the entertainment of our readers.

The fplendor of Jehangire's camp, when he went out to war, is worthy of notice:

• When the monarchs of Hindoftan take the field, their camps are a kind of moving cities. That of Jehangire, in his preient progress, was in circumference at Icast ewenty miles. The Lescar is divided, like a regular town, into squares, alleys, and Itreets. The royal pavilion is always crecied in the cenier: no man raises bis nearer than the distance of a musket-Thot around, Every man of quality, every arrificer, knows his ground, the space allotted for him, on which side, how far from the emperor he must pitch his

I he pavilions of the great officers of the court are, at a distance, known by their fplendor; at hand, by marks which diltinguith the various ranks of the owners. The finops and apartments of tradesmen are also known by rule ; and no man is for a moment at a loss how to fupfly his wares. The Lescar, from a rising ground, furnishes one of the molt agreeable prospects in the world. Starting up, in a few hours, in an uninhabited plain, it raises the idea of a city built by enchantment: and fills the mind with delightful wonder and surprize. Even those who leave their houfes in cities, to follow the prince in his progress, are frequently so charmed with the Lescar, when fluated in a beauiiful and conveanjent place, that they cannog prevail with themfelves to reinove. To



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