will ultimately occupy in large numbers | Indian Seas and the Australian continent to these underpeopled regions of the earth. It would be impracticable here to enter upon so wide a field as the ethnology of the Eastern Archipelago. The aboriginal races are various, and their study is replete with interest. There is, however, one race in the Philippines which presents such remarkable peculiarities that we venture briefly to describe it, as it has been represented to us, although it is likely enough that the description would require modification on further acquaintance. In the mountainous regions of Mindanao, we are told, there exist human beings in so low a state of barbarism that they seem to bear a near resemblance to the Bushmen of Southern Africa. They are well formed, nearly black, with woolly hair, rarely exceed four feet six inches in height, live chiefly on roots and fruit, and occasionally on game; they wear no clothes and build no houses, but sleep among the branches of trees. They are without any form of government or religion; their voices resemble the cries of animals, and their language the chattering of apes or the chirping of birds; their weapons are a bamboo lance, and bows and poisoned arrows. The discovery and concoction of poisons seem to exclusively employ the little intellect which these savages possess. The least prick from one of their arrows is mortal, and produces an inextinguishable thirst, and the man or animal dies the moment he has gratified it. These Negritoes ascend trees like monkeys, seizing the trunk with both hands and applying the soles of the feet, and their flight is as swift as that of the deer.* Although these people seem scarcely human, they are not incapable of being civilised. One of the race, a boy who had been offered for sale as any wild animal might have been, was afterwards seen waiting at the table of the Governor of Tamboanga, and appeared sprightly and intelligent, watching every sign and mandate of his master. The people are said to bear some resemblance to the tribes of Madagascar. which they are ethnologically related. They are probably destined to attain considerable importance when the northern shores of Australia are settled and civilised-an event which may now be considered as not very distant, since the recent important discoveries. Indeed the future intercourse of Australia with the islands of the Eastern Archipelago will doubtless be very great, and a highly profitable commerce cannot fail to spring up between them. The rich produce of New Guinea, of Ceram, and the islands to the north and north-east of Timor, is now collected in the Arru islands, and vessels belonging to British and Chinese merchants annually resort to them to obtain the commodities which they require in exchange for the manufactures of Europe and continental India. The Arruans possess many characteristics in common with the people of New Guinea; but one of their most singular peculiarities consists in the value which they attach to elephants' tusks, brass gongs, and huge porcelain dishes. An odd custom, and one that is probably unique in the world, consists in the destruction of a man's goods on his death, instead of a distribution of them among his surviving relations. All the chattels which he has collected during his life, including tusks, gongs, and precious China dishes, are broken in pieces and thrown away; and in the villages may be seen heaps of these fragments of property which custom or some singular superstition has deterred the living from appropriating. On the banks of a small stream, in an island about one-third larger than the Isle of Wight, at the extremity of the Malay peninsula, and until 1819 the resort only of a few native trading prahus, now stands the rich and flourishing town of SINGAPORE. By no act of his life did Sir Stamford Raffles evince greater prescience and sagacity than by recommending the establishment of this settlewildment and its erection into a free port. Take my word for it,' he once prophetically said, There is a small group of islands which, although not strictly within the defined limits of the Eastern Archipelago, are so intimately connected with it in commerce that they deserve a brief notice. The Arru Islands are a closely-packed group, distant about sixty miles from the south-west coast of New Guinea, extending over a space of 100 miles in length, and from 40 to 50 in breadth. These islands have become the emporium of the south-east corner of the archipelago, and form a connecting link between the rich islands of the *The principal features of this description are given by M. de la Gironière, in Earl's Native Races of the Indian Archipelago.' 6 this is by far the most important station in the East, and, as far as naval supremacy and commercial intercourse are concerned, of much higher value than a whole continent.' The correctness of his judgment was speedily proved. In two years the imports and exports rose to the sum of 2,000,000l. In 1824, five years after its foundation, the population had risen from 150 to 11,000. Singapore exhibits a remarkable proof how the sagacity of individuals often anticipates and outruns the slow action of governments. For three years Singapore was not recognised by Great Britain. The island was ultimately ceded for a pecuniary consideration by its native prince. The importance of this settlement | lisation, from the primitive tribes inhabiting to British trade follows from its position. the forests of Borneo to the polished splenEquidistant from Calcutta and Canton, voy- dour of Europe. The opulence and trading ages can be made to each with equal facility. activity of Amsterdam and London are repreIt lies only a short distance from the equator; sented in Batavia and Singapore, and the but the temperature of the island is 9.90 commercial and religious exclusiveness of lower than that of many other places in the Spain in the Philippines. The future of the same latitude; it possesses an ample road- magnificent islands of the archipelago must be stead and harbour; vessels having crossed the a subject of some anxiety to the power which Pacific from the north coast of America meet has acquired the chief dominion over them. others from the eastern side of the same con- The native states are clearly incompetent to tinent, which have sailed round the Cape of discharge the ordinary duties of government, Good Hope; and flags of all nations are inter- and they will probably be gradually absorbed mingled with the streamers of Chinese junks into European settlements to which they are and native prahus. An ordinary price-cur- contiguous. But can so small a state as Holrent often contains as many as forty different land, with a very limited population from articles, the produce of the archipelago. which her army can be recruited, permanently retain territories of such enormous extent and peopled by races bound to her by no ties of gratitude or interest? That Holland cannot rely upon mercenaries for the support of her colonial empire has been shown by the revolt of her Swiss troops. One of two results must follow the failure of Holland to retain the allegiance of her Eastern possessions: either these regions will be abandoned to native barbarism, or some great European power must step in to restore order, protect commerce, and carry on the work of civilisation. The Eastern Archipelago lies between Australia, India, and China; therefore any considerable naval power that should esta Batavia is the exclusive emporium of the Dutch trade; but Singapore is the port chosen by the independent traders of the archipelago. It appears by the 'Singapore Free Press' that there were in the roadstead and harbour, at the same time, in January last, sixty-three ships, of burthens varying from 2600 to 150 tons. The prosperity of this small settlement has been of so rapid a growth that it resembles that of some American Western city. Much of the trade even of the Dutch dependencies is carried on here in preference to the highly-taxed ports of Java. The port is open to all, and there is no impost whatever. Attracted by these advantages, native traders flock from the continen-blish itself in so central a position might intal ports of the East to Singapore, to exchange the manufactures of India and China for the valuable productions of the archipelago. The resident population is composed of fifteen different nationalities, of which the Chinese is the most numerous. In addition to the immense commerce with China, India, and the archipelago, Singapore has extensive transactions with North and South America, Arabia, the Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius, Australia, and Continental Europe. A few figures derived from the latest returns will show the extraordinary commercial progress of this small settlement. In 1852 the value of the British exports to Singapore was 637,9817.; in 1860 it had risen to 1,671,0927. The imports from Singapore amounted in value, in 1854, to 794,1057., and in 1860 to 1,054,0427. The most satisfactory feature in the returns is the marked increase in the demand for cotton goods, as it proves that the demand for British manufactures is rapidly increasing throughout the archipelago. In 1852 the exports of cotton goods to Singapore were of the value of 452,9277.; in 1860 they had risen to 1,079,0987. The great archipelago, of which we have taken a necessarily imperfect survey, exhibits society in every phase of barbarism and civi tercept our communications, threaten our Asiatic possessions, and cripple our trade. We earnestly hope that the Government of the Netherlands may never be involved in a struggle such as that from which we have recently emerged. We covet no territory in the archipelago; but should a reverse befall Holland in her colonial empire, there is but one nation that can safely occupy the position she will have lost. The moral power of England is already great. The character which she acquired during her short possession of Java has left a deep impression upon the native mind, and is understood and appreciated in every island where her name is pronounced. Her flag is not merely a symbol of freedom, but a pledge of commercial prosperity and social progress. With the exception of the small island of Labuan she owns not a foot of territory in any portion of the archipelago, but her influenceis as great as if her guns commanded every native capital and her cruisers were seen in every sea. The future importance of Borneo can scarcely be exaggerated. One of its states now presents an example of a well-governed and progressive community. The Rajah of Sarawak has achieved one of the greatest of triumphs. He has constituted out of the most This great region may be hereafter one of the most important that is occupied by the dispersed and diversified human family, and no long period may elapse before islands upon which Providence has showered some of its choicest blessings will exhibit a far higher social and political development than they at present seem to promise; Europe and America may hereafter even find rivals in countries which now occupy scarcely a moment of their thoughts; bays shaded by groves of palms may display forests of masts; and marbles hidden in the recesses of virgin woods and unexplored mountains may be wrought for the erection and adornment of temples and cities surpassing as much in their splendour any that have hitherto been erected in the archipelago as they will excel them in the religion to which they may be dedicated, and in the civilisation which they will represent. unpromising elements a native state which machinations. It might also produce a saluexhibits a model of the policy to be adopted tary influence upon independent Borneo, and for gradually reclaiming a people from barba- prepare the way for an extension of British rism, and giving them the blessings of order influence in that direction, should the course and law. He has caused them to work out of events ever justify or require it. their own improvement under guidance of a superintending intelligence. The enterprise was as full of genius as of humanity. The influence of Sarawak upon the future civilisation of Borneo may be important. Borneo Proper is still steeped in utter barbarism, and no healthy progress can be reasonably expected in those portions of the country which are subject to the dominion of the Dutch. The impulse which will convert this vast island into an orderly and progressive country may be communicated from Sarawak; and its future importance may even bear some proportion to its enormous dimensions. But the permanent independence of Sarawak is, we fear, not so fully assured as the friends of progress in the archipelago could desire. It is exposed to two dangers which loom not indistinctly in the distance. It may be the object of some violent outbreak of neighbouring Mahomedan fanaticism exasperated at the spectacle of a Christian Rajah governing a native state; or it may be endangered by the intrigues of a European power which has always regarded it with jealousy, and makes no secret of desiring and looking forward to its subversion. Public opinion in England has been strongly expressed on the achievement of Sir James Brooke. He has publicly received the thanks of the commercial world, and one of the most esteemed honours that his Sovereign could bestow. It is impossible for England not to regard with favour and watch with interest so remarkable an application of her own principles of government in a territory which, a few years ago, was the seat of savage lawlessness and crime.* Public indignation would assuredly be strongly manifested if by any act of treachery or violence the integrity and independence of a country which had excited so strong and general an interest should be overthrown. Some interference could probably be demanded by opinion. The flag of Sarawak has, we believe, been recognised by Great Britain. We are far from thinking that as a rule protectorates are desirable arrangements or conducive to the true interests of a small community; but in such a case as Sarawak, it might be plausibly contended that a protectorate could not entail any inconvenient obligations; that it would constitute an effectual security against hostile designs, if any such exist, and put an end to all Mahomedan conspiracies and European *The former practice of head-hunting has been completely abandoned. ART. VII.-The Life of the Right Hon. William Pitt. By Earl Stanhope. Vols. III. and IV. London, 1862. A SHORT time ago we had occasion to re- longs to him. And we should assign to these two volumes the superiority in value as well as in interest. It appears that Lord Stanhope owes to the kindness of Mr. William Dacres Adams, Pitt's private Secretary, who still survives, the communication of many interesting particulars and important manuscripts. The documents, therefore, which he prints for the first time are numerous and valuable; perhaps more so, on the whole, than those which are contained in the two first volumes. The domestic element in the series of letters is naturally weaker. The Minister's life becomes more wholly identified with the history of his time, and his friends become more purely political. The correspondence with his mother almost entirely disappears. But, on the other hand, the Melville papers, and the correspondence with the King, yield documents of great historical value. The only episode-if we except the tragical deathscene that is not of a public character, is the brief history of his short-lived, soon conquered attachment to Eleanor Eden, in 1796. The ground upon which he suppressed his avowed affection seems a strange one in a Prime Minister, who was also the possessor of the then lucrative sinecure of the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports. In a letter to her father, he apologises for the necessity of discontinuing his visits by expressing his regret that his circumstances do not permit him to presume to make her an offer of marriage. Lord Auckland would seem not to have been able to remove the obstacles to their union. So notorious were his embarrassments, and so overwhelming had they already become! - But it is very seldom that, even for so brief an interval as this, Pitt's biographer can travel out of the beaten political track. His life and his public career are almost coincident. The Parliamentary portion of his public life, which occupied almost the whole narrative in the two previous volumes, falls naturally into the background in these, especially at first. From the moment of the junction between the Government and the old Whigs to the year 1801, the course of Parliament was unvaried and uneventful. The ascendancy of the Minister was undisputed; the Opposition was entirely powerless and almost silenced; and Parliament met for little else than to register the Minister's decrees. It is not till the Catholic Question arises to disturb the even tenor of his domination, that Parliamentary history acquires its usual interest, and the animation of partygovernment is restored. So far as regards the latter half of Pitt's career, the interest of home politics centres almost exclusively upon the net-work of difficulties which arose out of the political necessity of Catholic Relief and the King's conscientious aversion to it. Lord Stanhope has devoted a great deal of research to the strange complication of political manoeuvres which caused the interregnum of Addington, and so seriously hampered Pitt's closing days. The changes which in that brief time passed over the political scene are very curious. In the beginning of 1801 Lord Grenville was Pitt's attached colleague; Mr. Addington was Speaker, by his nomination; Mr. Fox was in bitter opposition both to Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt. In the Spring of 1804, Pitt, Fox, and Grenville were fighting side by side for the purpose of displacing Addington. In the autumn of 1806, Grenville, Fox, and Addington were fighting side by side against Pitt. And yet all this time there was no definite question of domestic, and scarcely of foreign, policy at issue; and Fox, the only man among the four who can be fairly charged with want of principle, was the only man among the four whose course, for this interval at least, was thoroughly consistent. Lord Stanhope certainly succeeds in removing from Pitt much of the blame that has been cast upon him. The difficulty under which Pitt laboured both in 1801 and 1804 was a difficulty which must be of perpetual occurrence in every constitutional State-the difficulty of marking the exact point at which the responsibility of the Sovereign ceases, and the responsibility of the Minister begins. In governments where the theory of responsibility has been worked out with greater care, and the attributes of each particular officer are more sharply defined, this difficulty never can arise. Mr. Seward carries out President Lincoln's views, and is not held to have disgraced himself if those views differ from his own. M. Walewski and M. de Persigny must have been made a score of times the instruments of a policy in which they could not coincide; but no one thinks the worse of them on that account. It is a wellunderstood fact that the Emperor in the one case, and the President in the other, bear the sole responsibility of the acts which are done in their name. But in England the case is very different. We have eased the descent from a monarchy that once was absolute to the indefinable balance of power under which we at present live, by the convenient help of constitutional fictions. Our theory, as it stands, is that the Sovereign exerts all the power of the executive, while his Minister bears all the responsibility. Of course in its literal sense this never has been true, and never can be. No honourable man, scarcely any sane man, would accept the responsibility of all that another might think fit, without consulting him, to do. Ministers have always insisted, as a condition of their retaining office, that in the main the policy of the Sovereign shall be guided by their advice. But no Minister has ever yet succeeded in pushing this claim so far as to reduce the Sovereign to a mere cypher. Notorious cases have more than once arisen -and doubtless there have been many more which have never come to light-in which the Sovereign has, as it were, turned to bay, and has adhered to his refusal to adopt some distasteful course in spite of the Minister's threats of resignation. 'I had rather go back to Germany,' was the common form in which Sovereigns of the House of Hanover were wont to announce to their Ministers that the limits of pliability had been reached. It is difficult, when matters have come to this pass, to say what a constitutional Minister ought to do. On the one hand, it seems hard to say that he is to remain in office, to bear the responsibility of a policy that is not his own, and to endure the reproaches of his enemies, perhaps of his former friends, for sacrificing his principles and his pledges to the fascinations of place and power. On the other hand, his resignation may involve the most serious dangers. The condition of the House of Commons, or of the Sovereign, or the state of affairs at home or abroad, may be such, that his continuance in office is the only mode of averting evils which may threaten the deepest interests, perhaps the very existence of the realm. Either alternative seems equally intolerable. Every Minister will decide the question more in accordance with his own feelings than in deference to any fixed rule of action. But the insoluble difficulties of the problem ought to be a bar to the condemnation of bystanders or historians. One Minister may elect to be true to his pledges: another may elect to break them for his country's sake. But it is impossible to say with justice that one is more culpable than the other. It is obvious that such difficulties must arise. Keen constitutionalists seem to have assumed that in all cases the King, somehow or other, must be made to give way. But Sovereigns are men, and have scruples and strong convictions like other men. For the sake of the public weal they renounce the freedom of speech and action which the meanest of their subjects enjoy. They bow their necks silently to a yoke which must often be galling to men of warm feelings and active minds. It is happy for England that, since the Revolution, her Sovereigns have been almost uniformly willing to offer what must frequently have been felt as a humiliat ing submission to views and wishes the most repugnant to their own. It would have scarcely been possible, considering the gravity of the subject-matters that have often been in issue, antecedently to have calculated on so uniform a facility of disposition. But it would have been madness to expect that such a complaisance should be absolutely without limit. There are subjects upon which no man of common spirit or common conscience can tolerate to be made the tool of opinions not his own. There are compliances that leave behind them a remorse and a self-contempt for which ten times the greatness of an English Sovereign would be a miserable repayment. Such a subject was Catholic Emancipation. It would be idle labour to blow up again the embers of a controversy that is thoroughly forgotten. It is a subject on which there is no difference of opinion now. All are agreed that it was no breach of the Coronation Oath, and that whatever evil fruits it has in practice borne, far greater evils would have resulted from its being withheld. But, in the year 1800, the mass of English opinion was the other way. Enlightened men, like Mr. Pitt, and Lord Castlereagh, and Mr. Canning, who saw beyond their age, recognised the fact that it must be granted, and that it would be granted under worse conditions if the grievance should be made the subject of systematic agitation. But neither the mass of the members of the Established Church, nor the majority of the two Houses, shared this view; and the King, who, though shrewd, was not far-seeing, held it in especial detestation. He had conceived the idea that it was a breach of his Coronation Oath. Such an interpretation of the Coronation Oath, though probably contrary to the intention of those who framed it, was far from being untenable. Ancient oaths, framed with a regard to circumstances that have ceased to operate, are apt to ensnare tender consciences by their ambiguity. But whether the King was right or wrong in the interpretation of his oath, there is no doubt that he held it very sincerely, and that he was confirmed in it by the two highest authorities to whom he could appeal. Both the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chancellor took the strong Protestant view of the question. Whether Lord Loughborough's convictions on this point were purely disinterested, it is not worth while to discuss. The more his character and career are examined by successive historians, the more pitifully they show. But he contrived thoroughly to inoculate the King's mind with the scruples which he only simulated himself. The letters which passed between the King and Mr. Pitt, some of which are printed by Lord Stanhope for the |